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Doss v. Bernal: Fighting Housing Segregation in Fullerton
The following is from a work-in-progress about the history of Fullerton. You can support my ongoing research and writing on Patreon.
Today, when Americans think about the term “segregation” they are probably thinking about the South–where segregation was loudly and publicly enforced until it became officially illegal (though unofficially still practiced) through various court cases and Civil Rights legislation.
Many Americans are probably not as aware that housing and school segregation actually extended far beyond the south and affected every part of the United States. In the North and out West, segregation was kept quieter, but it was pervasive.
By the 1920s, the most common method for enforcing residential segregation was something called “racially restrictive covenants.” These were agreements on the deeds of housing that prevented non-whites from renting or purchasing those homes. These covenants were standard practice among developers and realtors all over the US including in Fullerton, California–the subject of my research.
Because of these covenants, for the first half of the 20th century, most neighborhoods in Fullerton were off-limits to people who weren’t white. Mexican-Americans, by far the largest minority group, were confined to agricultural work camps or carefully proscribed “barrios.”
However, in 1943, a Mexican American family in Fullerton–Alex and Esther Bernal–challenged this widespread practice, and won. The legal case was called Doss v. Bernal.

The Bernal family, 1943. Photo courtesy of Time magazine. “Doss v. Bernal successfully challenged the residential segregation of Mexican Americans in Orange County, resulting in one of the earliest legal victories against racial housing covenants in the United States,” Robert Chao Romero and Luis Fernandez write in “Doss v. Bernal: Ending Mexican Apartheid in Orange County.”
This case preceded by five years the more well-known (at least among civil rights lawyers) Shelly v. Kraemer (1948), a Supreme Court case which declared racially restrictive covenants legally unenforceable.
Born in Corona, Alex Bernal was raised in Fullerton’s Truslow barrio. He married Esther Munoz De Anda in 1937 and the couple had two children, Irene and Maria Teresa. Alex worked as a produce truck driver. To accommodate their growing family, the Bernals decided to purchase a white stucco home at 200 E. Ash in a neighborhood called the Sunnyside Addition, near but outside the Truslow barrio.
Unbeknownst to the Bernals, this house, like all the others in the Sunnyside Addition, had a racially restrictive covenant which stated “That no portion of the said property shall at any time be used, leased, owned or occupied by any Mexicans or persons other than of the Caucasian race.”
Despite this restriction, the owners Joe and Velda Johnson sold the property to the Bernals, and the family moved into their new home–happily following their American dream.
“For many Mexican Americans, suburban homeownership symbolized a chance towards upward mobility,” Shannon Anderson writes in Remembering the Bernals: Untangling the Relationship Between Race, Space, and Public Memory in Fullerton, California. “Additionally, suburbanization allowed Mexican Americans to stake their claim to permanent American identity in defiance of the stereotype that all people of Mexican descent were migratory, temporary residents.”
But their white neighbors were not so happy.
“Within a week of living on East Ash Avenue, the Bernals returned home one evening to find that someone had broken into their new home and thrown all their possessions into the street,” Anderson writes. “In a separate incident, Esther answered the door to a man who described himself as an officer of the law. In a ‘vulgar manner,’ he told Esther that she and Alex should move out of their new house because the white residents didn’t want Mexicans living in their neighborhood.”
When this harassment failed to get the Bernals to move, all the neighbors signed a petition saying they wanted the Bernals out. When that didn’t work, some of their neighbors (the Dosses, Shrunks, and Hobsons) filed a lawsuit in the OC Superior Court “on behalf of a majority of all the other lot owners” of the Sunnyside Addition requesting legal enforcement of the racially restrictive housing covenant.
The neighbor’s legal complaint is a clear expression of the racist social attitudes of the time:
“The permitting of Mexicans and other races to live in and to use and occupy the residence buildings in said tract, would necessitate coming in contact with said other races, including Mexicans in a social and neighborhood manner, and that if said race and Mexican Residential use and restriction in said tract of land is broken, other Mexicans and persons of other races will soon move in and occupy residences in said Restricted residential district, and that the value of said residential property therein will be greatly depreciated…and for further reasons that such breach of said restrictions and conditions will greatly lower the social living standard.”
After being served this legal complaint, the Bernals still refused to leave. Instead, they hired lawyer David Marcus to defend their rights. Marcus, a Jewish lawyer who was married to a Mexican woman, would go on to represent Orange County Mexican American families fighting school segregation in the landmark 1947 case Mendez et al v. Westminster.
The first judge assigned to the Bernal’s case, Justice Morrison of Orange County, tried to issue a ruling against the Bernals before the case even went to trial. Marcus successfully petitioned to have an outside judge, Albert F. Ross, brought all the way down from Shasta County in northern California to hear the case.
The Doss v. Bernal trial took place in late August, 1943 in the Old Orange County courthouse in Santa Ana.
One of the central points of contention in the trial was whether the Bernals, and by extension all Mexican Americans, were “white.” Race is, of course, a social construct, not a biologically meaningful concept. It was meaningful insofar as it could be weaponized to exclude people like the Bernals. The plaintiffs’ lawyer Gus Hagenstein tried to prove that Mexican Americans were a part of a distinct race (not white), and Marcus argued that the Bernals should be classified as white. Both sides brought in anthropologists to try to sort this out.
One anthropologist explained that there were three types of races: European, Negroid, and Mongoloid, and that because the Bernals were neither Negroid or Mongoloid, they were more akin to European, and therefore white.
This whole discussion of race ends up sounding pretty silly in retrospect, but it did have repercussions because, according to this “race” argument–covenants that excluded African Americans and Asians could still be considered valid.
Hagenstein also claimed that the presence of Mexican-Americans in suburban neighborhoods would do “irreparable damage” to property values. He brought in real estate professionals, including former Fullerton Mayor Harry Crooke, to attest to this. Marcus sought to refute harmful stereotypes of Mexican Americans in an attempt to show that the Bernals were respectable people who would not be a detriment to their neighbors or bring down property values.
When you really drill down into the logic behind these covenants, they turn out to be based mostly on fear, scientifically dubious ideas about race, and negative stereotypes. What they were mostly about was preserving white supremacy.
The arguments in the Bernal case that would have the most lasting significance had to do with Constitutional rights.
“Marcus cited the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments of the United States Constitution, which maintain that no one can be ‘deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law.’ Unbeknownst to Marcus, this would be the first time that these amendments were successfully invoked in a lawsuit regarding racialized housing discrimination, beginning a trend in subsequent civil rights cases,” Anderson writes.
It was not lost on Marcus that this trial was taking place during World War II, when the United States was fighting against the racist and fascist Nazi Germany in defense of liberty and democracy. Some local Mexican American soldiers even attended the trial in a show of support for the Bernal family.
After a four-day trial, Judge Ross ruled in favor of the Bernals, declaring the racially restrictive covenant “null and void.” He further stated that such covenants were “injurious to the public good and society; violative of the fundamental form and concepts of democratic principles.” He agreed that the covenant violated the 5th and 14th amendment to the U.S. Constitution.
Despite the historic importance of this ruling, it’s interesting that the local press (the Fullerton News-Tribune) barely mentioned the case, devoting just two small articles to it. Neither the Orange County Register nor the Los Angeles Times even mentioned the case.

One of two small articles on Doss v. Bernal published in the Fullerton News-Tribune. But other news outlets were paying attention. The Bernals got their picture in Time magazine, along with a story about their legal victory, and were even featured in the radio program “March of Time.”
An African American newspaper in Los Angeles, the California Eagle, featured the Bernal story prominently on the front page with headlines like “Race Property Bars Held Illegal!” and “Santa Ana Judge Says Restrictions No Good!”

California Eagle headlines from 1943. Mexican Consul Manuel Aguilar was also paying attention, stating: “We consider any restriction on the rights of Mexicans to live where they please against the Good Neighbor Policy and against the Constitution of the United States.”
Interestingly, “One of the most detailed accounts of the Bernals’ trial comes from the San Antonio, Spanish-language newspaper, La Prensa,” Anderson writes. “Running on multiple pages, ‘Decision en Favor de Una Familia Mexicana Que Reside en Fullerton, California’ details the legal proceedings, including additional statements from Marcus and quotes from Ross’s ruling and subsequent lecture.”
Doss v. Bernal set legal precedent that would eventually lead to the 1948 Supreme Court case Shelley v. Kraemer, which ruled that racially restrictive covenants were legally unenforceable.
But it would be wrong to conclude that Doss v. Bernal ended housing discrimination and segregation in Fullerton or elsewhere.
“Although the outcome of Doss v. Bernal set legal precedent in determining that Mexican Americans are white and racialized housing covenants are unconstitutional, this ruling was not widely enforced in Orange County,” Anderson writes. “Rather, residential space would remain racialized within the region, with instances of racialized housing discrimination against nonwhite individuals cropping up in the decades to come.”
The fact of lingering housing discrimination is perhaps best represented by the fact that in 1964 (21 years after Doss v. Bernal), a majority of California voters passed Proposition 14, which sought to overturn the state’s Rumford Fair Housing Act. This action was later declared unconstitutional, but it sent a strong signal that a majority of white property owners were just fine with housing discrimination.
In a case of history repeating itself, Alex and Esther’s daughter Irene experienced housing discrimination in the 1960s “when she tried to rent an apartment in Fullerton and was refused by the landlord,” Anderson writes. “However, her husband, who was white, had no problem when he applied to rent out the same apartment.”
And although they won, the case was also devastating for the Bernal family.
“Alex and Esther no longer felt safe in their home…the Bernals were concerned that their newfound exposure would result in additional, ramped-up harassment,” Anderson writes. “Thus, the Bernals never got the chance to live in the home that they fought so hard for. Instead, the family of four moved into Alex’s parents’ house. After all that happened, the Bernals ended up back on Truslow Avenue—Fullerton’s segregated barrio designated for residents of color.”
Two years after the trial, Esther Bernal died of cancer at age 29. The stress of the trial likely exacerbated her declining health.
For a while after the trial, the Bernals received dozens of letters of support from all over the United States.
But as time went on, the thing that disappeared in Fullerton was not housing segregation, but public memory of the Doss v. Bernal case.
The case is not mentioned in the two “official” Fullerton history books: Ostrich Eggs for Breakfast by Dora Mae Sim and Fullerton: A Pictorial History by Bob Ziebell.
Even Alex Bernal himself seemed to want to forget, rarely discussing the case, and putting all the letters, clippings, and court files into a box and storing it away for decades.
For nearly 70 years, the Doss v. Bernal case fell out of public memory, sort of like the Pastoral California mural on the side off the high school auditorium, which had been painted over for nearly 60 years.
It was not until 2010 that an intrepid reporter for OC Weekly named Gustavo Arellano and a CSUF grad student named Luis Fernandez re-discovered the story and brought it back into public memory.
In a remarkable piece of local history reporting, Arellano’s “Mi Casa Es Mi Casa: How Fullerton produce-truck driver Alex Bernal helped change the course of American civil rights” re-introduced Orange County to Doss v. Bernal.
For his article, Arellano interviewed Bernal family members, pored through Alex’s box of old letters and files, and unearthed old news stories about the case.
Fernandez would go on to co-author an excellent 2012 article for UCLA’s Chicano Studies Research Center, entitled “Doss v. Bernal: Ending Mexican Apartheid in Orange County.”
The story of Doss v. Bernal was featured in a 2022 book entitled A People’s Guide to Orange County by Gustavo Arellano, Elaine Lewinnek, and Thuy Vo Dang.
In 2023, CSUF graduate student Shannon Anderson wrote a Master’s thesis entitled Remembering the Bernals: Untangling the Relationship Between Race, Space, and Public Memory in Fullerton, California. Her study highlights omissions in previous narratives, like the role of Esther Bernal in purchasing the house, and her deposition during the trial.
That same year, the Orange County Hispanic Bar Association (OCHBA) hosted a live reenactment of the Doss v. Bernal trial.

Anderson describes how in some cases, popular retellings have oversimplified the Bernal story into one of total victory, of having ended housing discrimination and segregation.
A 2023 article in the Fullerton Observer, reporting on the reenactment of the trial, was titled “A Reenactment of the 1943 Historical Trial that ended housing discrimination.”
“The issue with this is that the Bernals’ trial did not immediately put an end to housing discrimination. Although the case set legal precedent that would eventually go on to influence Supreme Court cases, racist housing practices would not be solved, but rather reified over the decades,” Anderson writes. “Also, the Bernal family suffered immensely from their experience with racialized exclusion.”
The problem with seeing the Bernal’s story as one of total victory is that it may prevent us from understanding how housing discrimination still persists.
“Perpetuating the idea that segregation is an issue of the past when it still exists, just in a different form, allows contemporary forms of racialized housing segregation to continue to operate without objection,” Anderson writes. “While racial segregation is no longer enforced on an institutional or legal level, de facto segregation continues to be upheld through longstanding cultural ideas, economic inequality, and social practices.”
A stark expression of this is the racial wealth gap. In 2019, the average income of a Caucasian household in the U.S. was about $188,200, while the average income of a Mexican American household was $36,100. This gap dictates which neighborhoods Mexican Americans and people of color can live in.
Rather than seeing Doss v. Bernal as something that ended housing discrimination and segregation, it is more accurate to see the case as part of a decades-long struggle of chipping away at the enduring effects of white supremacy.
There have been two attempts to commemorate the Bernal house as a historically significant property under the Mills Act, in 2010 and 2020, but both attempts were unsuccessful.
“Commemoration of the site would require Fullerton to come to terms with its shameful, racist past,” Anderson writes.
Sources:
“Mi Casa Es Mi Casa: How Fullerton produce-truck driver Alex Bernal helped change the course of American civil rights” by Gustavo Arellano, OC Weekly, 2010.
“Doss v. Bernal: Ending Mexican Apertheid in Orange County” by Robert Chao Romero and Luis Fernando Fernandez published by the UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center in 2012.
Remembering the Bernals: Untangling the Relationship Between Race, Space, and Public Memory in Fullerton, California. CSUF Master’s Thesis by Shannon Anderson, 2023.
A People’s Guide to Orange County. Lewinnek, Elaine, Gustavo Arellano, and Thuy Vo Dang. Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2022.
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Fullerton in 1952
The following is from a work-in-progress about the history of Fullerton. You can support my ongoing research and writing on Patreon.
The Local History Room of the Fullerton Public Library has microfilm from the Fullerton Daily News-Tribune newspaper stretching back to 1893. I am in the process of reading over the microfilm, year by year, to get a sense of what was happening in the town over the years, and creating a mini archive. Below are some news stories from 1952.
In international news, the Korean War raged on. Some local boys were drafted to fight, and sometimes die, in this early Cold War conflict.



The British Empire was still a thing.

The US Congress passed the McCarran-Walter Immigration Bill, which modified but still kept the racist restrictions that were first codified in the 1924 Johnson-Reed Act, and added new grounds for restricting and deporting immigrants who were thought to be “subversive”–this was in the context of the Cold War Red Scare.


Dwight D. Eisenhower was elected president, and his Vice President was local boy Richard Nixon, who was born in Yorba Linda and attended Fullerton High School.

While Nixon is mostly remembered for the Watergate scandal, he first rose to power as a McCarthy-style Red Scarer. He was a member of the House Un-American Activities Committee, and famously investigated alleged communist spy Alger Hiss.
While running for Vice-President, Nixon held a number of campaign rallies in Orange County.

Six weeks before the 1952 presidential election, it was reported that Nixon had received between $16,000 and $18,000 (approximately $220,000 in 2025 dollars) not in campaign contributions, but directly from a fund bankrolled by a group of 76 wealthy Californians.

Dana C. Smith, disburser of the alleged “Millionaires Club” donations, told the New York Post that the contributions were made from a trust fund set up solely “to enable Dick to do a selling job to the American people in behalf of private enterprise and integrity in government.”
While Nixon called the story a “smear” from his opponents, he didn’t deny the fund, and this led to accusations of corruption. It was a major scandal.

Nixon said that, by taking the private funds, he was “saving you taxpayers money.”
Eisenhower and Nixon’s Democratic opponent Adlai Stevenson said the questions that arose were: “Who gave the money, was it given to influence the Senator’s position on public questions: and have any laws been violated?”
This was particularly embarrassing to the Eisenhower campaign, which was railing against “corruption” in government.
For a while, it was uncertain if Nixon would remain on the Eisenhower ticket. But then the Republican National Committee paid $75,000 (nearly a million dollars today) for a 30-minute televised speech by Nixon on September 23, 1952 in which he defended himself. This became known as the “Checkers Speech.”
The “Checkers Speech” (which you can watch HERE) is particularly infuriating because it’s an early example of a politician using an emotional appeal to a televised audience of around 60 million Americans to evade real accountability.
In the speech, Nixon claimed to give a full accounting of his personal finances, but what he actually did was give the impression that he was a public servant of modest means. He said that one gift he received was a cocker spaniel dog which his daughters named Checkers and that they were going to keep the gift.
What Nixon did NOT do was name the 76 wealthy Californians who had contributed to the fund, which would have enabled any reporter to have investigated whether he used his power as a congressman to benefit them. The full list of donors has never been made public.
And yet, somehow, the “Checkers Speech” worked.

Some notable Fullertonians told the Fullerton News-Tribune that they felt his speech had exonerated the candidate (it had not).
R.S. Gregory said, “Nixon is absolutely all right. He made a clear statement of his affairs. I think he is in the right.”
Verne Wilkinson said, “The speech was outstanding. He certainly redeemed himself, in fact, in my opinion he was above reproach in the first place.”
H.H. Kohlenberger said, “It was an excellent presentation which, in my opinion gained many votes for Nixon, and which was unprecedented in political history.”
And so, rhetoric won over substance, and Eisenhower and Nixon won.

Local Politics and Government
In local political news, Cecil Crew (car dealership owner), Hugh Warden (a roofing contractor), and Jack Dutton (owner of a salvage business) were elected to City Council. Warden was named mayor.

Not long after the election, Jack Adams (who had been elected previously) resigned from council, and Irvin Chapman (son of citrus grower Charles Chapman) was appointed to fill his seat.

This prompted protests from some Fullertonians, who argued that Chapman had lost the last time he ran for council, and should therefore not be appointed.
“I believe the voters showed two years ago, beyond all doubt, that they did not want Chapman on the City Council!” a reader wrote in a letter to the editor of the Fullerton News-Tribune. “I believe it is a little-disputed fact that the incumbent always has the edge in an election, yet two generally unknown men came in ahead of the then-incumbent Irvin Chapman. There are going to be a lot of very unhappy voters if he is permitted to sneak in the back door after that had showed him out the front—they thought!”
Councilmember Kermit Wood strongly objected to Chapman’s appointment.
“With the help of his cohorts, the mayor has held the back door open for another councilman of his choosing,” Wood said. “No consideration has been given the voters of Fullerton. I charge that the action taken by the three councilmen is unethical and dictatorial and not in the best interests of the people of Fullerton…Such is the fiber of dictatorship and communism. Never in the annals of Fullerton has this flagrant disrespect for the right of the people and for decency and fairness been equaled.”

Lots of folks showed up to a City Council meeting urging that Chapman not be appointed. However, their pleas were unsuccessful. He was appointed.
“Kenneth Harris acted as spokesman of the opposition and demanded that Mayor Warden rescind the council action, backing up his demand with a petition signed by approximately 300 persons,” the News-Tribune reported.
Not long after this, newly elected councilman Jack Dutton also resigned, and was replaced by Miles Sharkey, manager of the vast Sunny Hills Ranch property.


Thus, two of the three elected representatives were replaced by appointed ones–owners or managers of valuable large tracts of land. This did not bode well for truly democratic representation.
In another somewhat anti-democratic move, the new Council considered fundamentally changing the structure of local government by creating a new position of City Administrator (now called City Manager). This would be another appointed position. They chose long time city employee (and alleged former Klansman) Herman Hiltscher.

The stated reason for the change was that City Councilmembers did not have the time to oversee such a large and growing city, and thus required a full-time administrator. This makes sense in theory, but in practice it raised questions about true democratic governance for cities.
One of the few academic books focusing on Orange County is Postsuburban California: The Transformation of Orange County Since World War II. This book contains various articles written by historians and social scientists.
In a chapter entitled “Intraclass Conflicts and the Politics of a Fragmented Region,” UCI historian Spencer Olin describes the implications of a move to a Council-Manager system: “By the mid-1960s, then, several marked changes in political structures and practices had occurred that clearly favored the interests of a certain class segment, first of regional capitalists and next of owners of national and international corporations…an increased depoliticization of the municipal administration had taken place through the imposition of the council-manager system and the move away from elected officials toward appointed ones.”
This change happened in a number of Orange County cities in the mid-20th century, and it is currently the dominant model for many cities.
Olin continues: “If we carefully analyze the political forces behind such changes in municipal (city) government, while at the same time paying attention to underlying economic developments, we can uncover the antidemocratic implications of suburban policies…We can see, for example, that important areas of public authority were removed from the control of locally elected officials and were taken over by relatively autonomous and distant governmental agencies largely insulated from the political process.”
It is notable that the very year Fullerton sought to impose the Council-Manager system, two elected City Councilmen resigned and were replaced by unelected appointees who were just the sort of “regional capitalists” Olin describes: Irvin Chapman (of the wealthy, landowning Chapman family), and Miles Sharkey (manager of the vast Sunny Hills properties).
Land use decisions by the City Administrator and the newly-configured council would stand to benefit large landowners, especially as the city was undergoing a transformation from agriculture to suburban, commercial, and industrial development.
Even before he became City Administrator, Hiltscher was city engineer. According to the News-Tribune, “All recent subdividing throughout the community has been controlled by standards set by the engineering office under Hiltscher’s management, which has brought Fullerton to be known as ‘The City of Beautiful Homes.’”
In the “City of Beautiful Homes” those who owned (or managed) a lot of land stood to make a fortune. Two of these men were Chapman and Sharkey.
Others elected in 1952 included Leroy Lyon, John Murdy, and Ralph McFadden.

The Red Scare
As the Cold War ramped up, so did the Red Scare. Richard Nixon’s anti-communist activities was part of what made him popular locally among a generally conservative community.

Fullerton local William Wheeler took part in the House Un-American Activities Committee probe of suspected communists.

A Fullerton lawyer named David Aaron testified that he had been a communist in the late 1940s while serving on the National Labor Relations Board.
“Aaron said he joined the party in 1946 when his NLRB job ended after two or three months,” the News-Tribune reported. “His contact with persons engaged in labor disputes before the board, Aaron said, caused him to decide ‘there must be something wrong with the economic system when all these things were happening.’”
One problem with the “Red Scare” was that it tended to silence legitimate critiques of the inequalities created by the capitalist system. It served to cement capitalism as the only allowable economic system in American discourse.
The Red Scare also weirdly associated homosexuality with communism, and many gay people were persecuted and lost their jobs.

Anti-communist crusaders like Fred Schwarz combined Christianity and conservative politics to paint the conflict between capitalism and communism as one of good vs. evil.

Probably the biggest real danger during the Cold War was the existence of atomic bombs. The US had developed the hydrogen bomb, which was many times more powerful than the bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki during World War II.


The Russians were also developing atomic bombs in a perilous arms race. This prompted local programs like “Operation Skywatch” in which regular citizens would watch the skies for Russian bombers.

Growth
Fullerton continued its phenomenal post-war growth.


As Fullerton grew, many new housing subdivisions were being built.

The preferred type of housing in Fullerton was the single family home. Residents and local leaders, as they are today, were generally opposed to low-income housing, apartments, and trailer parks.
For example, the city voted to remove the low-cost veteran’s housing near Fullerton College, and on Truslow.


“City Planning Commission yesterday recommended that Fullerton high school and junior college district remove the veteran’s housing from North Harvard avenue on or before July 1, 1954,” the News-Tribune reported. “Two housing foes, one who called the establishment of the housing units ‘strictly a socialist measure,’ were present at the hearing to voice objections to the housing units being located on North Harvard avenue.”

Local realtors lobbied hard against any kind of “public housing.”

Some residents and neighbors were even opposed to allowing more dense housing like apartments.

And the City Council adopted a strict trailer park ordinance.

Building lower-cost housing was at odds with realtors, developers, and homeowners’ desire to maximize their property value–to the detriment of those less well off. This sentiment remains today, and has undoubtedly contributed to the present housing affordability crisis.

Along with increased residential development, Fullerton also saw increased industrial development as well. Northrop Aircraft built a large plant on Orangethorpe.

Beckman Instruments was planning to build a large facility just north of the city limits.

Hunt Foods in west Fullerton expanded their facilities.

In 1952, Hunt Foods, owned by Norton Simon, was the fourth largest company selling canned goods in the United States, with 12 facilities and an annual sales of over $60,000,000 (worth ten times that in 2025 dollars).
Part of what made Hunt’s successful was the power of acquisitions and branding. Simon would acquire smaller food canning companies and then bring them under the Hunt’s label.
The citrus industry was still large in the 1950s. The California Fruit Growers Exchange officially changed its name to Sunkist.
Oil was also still big business in Orange County, and offshore drilling was a new and controversial thing.

As the population grew, so did the need for new and larger schools.

Fullerton College purchased more land to expand its facilities.

As both Fullerton and Anaheim sought to expand, they agreed on a new boundary line separating the two towns.

Culture and Entertainment
For culture and entertainment, Fullertonians went to movies at the Fox Theater.

The city held a massive fair that drew thousands.


In the 1950s, it was a very popular thing to crown a “queen” for many community events. I think it had something to do with reinforcing normative gender roles.







Another popular fun spot was Knott’s Berry Farm and Ghost Town, which was not quite the theme park it is today, but still probably a good time.

Crime
The highest profile local crime of 1952 was the murder of Ruby Ann Payne by William Rupp.

He was captured and arrested in a Brea Cafe, tried, and sentenced to death.

In less heinous crime news, the infamous “pants burglar” was finally captured.

Sports
Professional baseball teams like the Portland Beavers continued to train and play games at Amerige Park.

Here are a few more Fullerton sports stars:



Death
Pioneer rancher August Hiltscher passed away.

Stay tuned for top news stories from 1953!
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Fullerton in the 1930s

The following is from a work-in-progress about the history of Fullerton. You can support my ongoing research and writing on Patreon.
The Great Depression, Natural Disasters, and How the New Deal Benefited Fullerton
Following the stock market crash of 1929, the most significant problem facing Fullerton was the Great Depression.
Local groups like the American Legion operated a soup kitchen which offered food and (limited) lodging. Another soup kitchen was operated by the Maple School PTA.
In 1932, Democrat Franklin Delano Roosevelt defeated Republican Herbert Hoover in a landslide victory, becoming President of the United States. California, which had long been a Republican state, went blue for the first time in years, although a majority of Fullertonians voted for Hoover. The election was seen as a national repudiation of Hoover’s failure to improve the economic conditions of the Great Depression.

Fullerton Daily News-Tribune, 1932. Roosevelt’s first 100 days of office in 1933 were filled with sweeping legislation aimed at combating the Great Depression.
Roosevelt called it the New Deal. At the time, unemployment had reached 25 percent—the highest in US history so far. Federal programs like the Works Progress Administration (WPA) and the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) were created to give people jobs, and to simultaneously build up the country’s infrastructure—new roads, dams, parks, public buildings and more were built.

Works Progress Administration sign at Fullerton College. Photo by the author. The WPA alone gave over 8 million unemployed Americans jobs in its 8-year existence.
These government programs were not just for laborers. Artists, writers, actors, and musicians were also employed by the WPA to give folks not just jobs, but also hope and beauty in difficult times.
Today, nearly a century later, Roosevelt’s New Deal is primarily remembered in history textbooks and school curricula. But there is another way to remember its legacy—by recognizing the New Deal projects that still exist right where we live.
The city of Fullerton was a major recipient of New Deal funding and projects, many of which still exist today and have become some of the most iconic features of our local landscape. But first, a bit of context.
As if the Great Depression wasn’t hard enough to endure, Fullertonians also faced two major natural disasters during the 1930s.
First came the devastating Long Beach Earthquake of 1933, which caused over $50 million in damage and killed 120 people throughout the region, injured thousands, and caused tens of millions in property damage.

Fullerton Daily News-Tribune, 1933. Some refugees from the earthquake took up temporary residence in their cars at Hillcrest Park and at the American Legion hall, where they were provided food and shelter by local volunteers and the Red Cross. The Izaak Walton Lodge was also opened to those who had fled the quake.
“Fullerton American Legion members continued to feed more than 100 persons at each meal at the Legion hall,” the News-Tribune reported. “Many of this group are lodged in Fullerton homes or camping in the park and are nearly without funds, their homes demolished or unsafe for occupancy in Long Beach, Compton, Bellflower and other points.”
Mrs. Clarence Spencer on W. Orangethorpe took in 27 quake refugees.
Most Fullerton buildings escaped damage, although a chimney fell at the California Hotel, crashing through the roof of the cafe kitchen and half filling it with bricks and shattered building materials. Thankfully, no one was there at the time. The old elementary school on Wilshire and Lawrence (now a parking lot) also experienced some damage, causing it ultimately to be condemned.
Then came the 1938 flood.

Destruction in Fullerton from 1938 flood. The story of the flood is all the more tragic because local residents had twice voted down bonds that would have allowed for flood control infrastructure.
In 1931, Fullerton residents voted to enter the Metropolitan Water District, which would give the city access to water from the Colorado River via aqueduct. In 1933, the Orange County Water District was created.
In 1935, over six million dollars of federal funds (around $138 million today) were planned for a large scale Orange County flood control plan–to build the Prado Dam, as well as channelize much of the Santa Ana river. These federal dollars were contingent on local voters approving a bond measure to supplement the federal relief funds.
A well-funded opposition campaign which called the bonds a waste of taxpayer dollars resulted in the bond issue, and therefore the federal relief dollars, being lost. Voters actually had two chances to approve the bonds, but they voted them down twice.
Unfortunately, because the flood control measures were not passed, a few years later the 1938 flood would devastate local communities. It would take a natural disaster for people to understand the need to invest in this infrastructure.
In 1938, following severe rainstorms, the Santa Ana river overflowed its banks and caused widespread damage, killing over 50 people.

Fullerton Daily News-Tribune, 1938. “Water extended over an area of 30,000 square miles in Southern California’s rich agricultural districts today after the worst rainstorm and flood in a quarter of a century,” the News-Tribune reported.
Property damage was estimated at $10,000,000, and thousands were marooned by flood waters.
“Tragedy and desolation followed in the wake of an eight foot wall of water which swept through the banks of the Santa Ana river at the Yorba bridge to submerge Atwood [Placentia], La Jolla Camp, Anaheim and the south side of Fullerton,” the News-Tribune reported. “Water which swept houses, oil tanks and all obstructions aside swept down on Atwood and down Orangethorpe ave. forcing residents in many sections to take to their rooftops in a cold early morning rain while rescuers fought to save them from their dangerous quarters.”
The flood waters extended all the way to downtown Fullerton.
Local relief efforts were spearheaded by the Red Cross, local police and firefighters, and the American Legion. Shelters were set up in Hillcrest Park and St. Mary’s church for flood refugees.
Tragically, many of the victims of the flood were Mexican Americans living in citrus camps of south Fullerton, north Anaheim, and Placentia.
“Seven bodies were reported recovered at Atwood this morning. according to Chief of Police Gus Barnes at Placentia,” the News-Tribune reported. “Rescue workers with motorboats, rowboats and lifelines attempted to cross the river to the shattered cottages in which several hundred Mexican agricultural workers made their homes.”
The floods damaged or destroyed hundreds of homes, bridges, barrancas, and other infrastructure.
The 1930s were pretty rough.
“Because of these disasters, nearly every single community in Orange County was profoundly impacted by the New Deal,” Charles Epting writes in The New Deal in Orange County. “Dozens of schools, city halls, post offices, parks, libraries, and fire stations were built; roadways were improved, and thousands were given jobs.”
Out of the tragedies of the 1930s, here’s how the New Deal benefited Fullerton.
“With a population of just over 10,000 in 1930, Fullerton was one of the largest cities in Orange County at the time of the Great Depression. Relief projects were numerous. It is probable that Fullerton received more aid than any other Orange County city,” Epting writes. “What is also unique about Fullerton is that nearly all of its New Deal buildings are still standing and preserved as local landmarks.”
Maple School (244 E Valencia Dr): This school was retrofitted and expanded following the 1933 earthquake. It was partially funded by the Public Works Administration (PWA). It’s an example of Art Deco architecture. Plans were drawn by architect Everett E. Parks.

Entrance to Maple School. Photo by the author. Wilshire Junior High School (315 E Wilshire Ave): Originally constructed in 1921, it was reconstructed and expanded during the 1930s with PWA funds. The style is Deco/Greco. Now it’s the School of Continuing Education.

Wilshire School students circa 1930s. Photo courtesy of Fullerton Public Library Local History Room. 
School of Continuing Education today. Photo by the author. “Pastoral California” mural on High School Auditorium (201 E Chapman Ave): Giant fresco painted by Charles Kassler under the Public Works of Art Project in 1934. Spanning 75 feet by 15 feet, the mural is unmatched in size and scope. One of the two largest frescoes commissioned during the New Deal. More on this later.

Portion of “Pastoral California” mural. Photo by the author. Fullerton College (321 E Chapman Ave): In 1935, Fullerton architect Harry K. Vaughn teamed up with landscape architect Ralph D. Cornell to create a general plan for the new campus, to be partially funded by the WPA and the PWA. The first building was the Commerce Building, next was the Administration and Social Sciences building, then the Technical Trades building.

Fullerton College 300 building–a WPA building and the first built on campus. Photo by the author. Fullerton Museum Center (301 N Pomona Ave): Fullerton’s first public library was an Andrew Carnegie-funded library built in 1907. Years of wear (and the 1933 earthquake) necessitated a re-building. In 1941, the Carnegie Library was demolished, and a new library was re-built by WPA workers. The building was dedicated in 1942. A new library (on Commonwealth) was built in 1973, and the Fullerton Museum Center has occupied the building since 1974.

Fullerton Museum Center building. Photo by the author. Post Office (202 E Commonwealth Ave): The first federally-owned building in Fullerton, it was built in 1939 and funded by the Department of the Treasury, and built by crews of local workers. This post office also contains the mural “Orange Pickers” by Paul Julian, funded by the Treasury Department Section of Fine Arts. Paul Julian went on to have a very successful career at the Warner Bros. studios animating Looney Tunes shorts.

Post Office mural. Photo by the author. Police Station/Former City Hall (237 W Commonwealth Ave): The impressive Spanish Colonial Revival building is now home to Fullerton’s police department. Designed by architect George Stanley Wilson, the building was completed in 1942. One of the most distinctive features of the building is its extensive tile work.

City Hall under construction. Photo courtesy of Fullerton Public Library Local History Room. 
Fullerton Police Station (former City Hall) today. Photo by the author. “The History of California” Mural in the Police Station: A three-part mural for which the WPA’s Federal Art Project commissioned artist Helen Lundeberg to paint in 1941. The mural depicts everything from the landing of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo in San Diego in 1542 to the birth of the aircraft and movie industries in Los Angeles in roughly chronological order. Here are some photos I recently took of the mural. Unfortunately, you have to make an appointment with the police department to see this public work of art:





Hillcrest Park (1200 N Harbor Blvd): The amount of work done in Hillcrest Park during the New Deal was staggering, with projects being funded and constructed by the CWA, WPA, RFC, and SERA. Much of Hillcrest Park’s landscaping was done during this era, like the excavation of the “Big Bowl.” Perhaps the most iconic feature of Hillcrest Park is the Depression-era stonework that runs throughout the Park. Today, Hillcrest Park represents the finest example of a WPA-era park in Orange County and has enjoyed federal recognition since 2004, so the structures are safe.

Hillcrest Park Fountain. Photo courtesy of Fullerton Public Library Local History Room. 
Hillcrest Park stonework. Photo by the author. Amerige Park (300 W Commonwealth Ave): A wooden grandstand and stone pilasters were built at the baseball field in 1934. The grandstand was destroyed by a fire in the 1980s, but the flagstone pilasters remain.

Amerige Park baseball game in the 1930s. Photo courtesy of Fullerton Public Library Local History Room. Pastoral California: The Story of a Mural
“Pastoral California,” the 75-foot long fresco mural on the side of the Auditorium at Fullerton Union High School was painted in 1934, during the Great Depression, painted over by order of the Board of Trustees in 1939, and restored 58 years later in 1997. The story of this mural, what it depicts, why it was painted over, and finally restored, is one worth reflecting upon.
In addition to building projects, the WPA also commissioned murals in cities across America, including Fullerton, in an effort to give people not just jobs, but a sense of hope and beauty in difficult times. Perhaps the most famous of these murals is “Pastoral California,” one of the two largest frescoes commissioned by the WPA.
Charles Kassler, who had studied art at Princeton, traveled extensively, and apprenticed under a fresco painter in France, completed “Pastoral California” in 1934. Kassler had only one hand. He’d lost the other in a high school chemistry accident. He was married to famous Mexican singer Luisa Espinel, who was the aunt of pop superstar Linda Ronstadt.
Kassler clearly did local history research before painting the mural. It depicts a Spanish/Mexican southern California. From the 1700s to 1821, California was controlled by Spain. From 1821 to 1848, it was controlled by Mexico. Around that time, the United States decided it was their “Manifest Destiny” to control California, so they took it through a war of conquest, the Mexican American War. Kassler, however, chose to depict not an Anglo-American California, but a Spanish/Mexican one.

“Pastoral California” mural. Photo by the author. The mural depicts historical figures like Jose Antonio Yorba, a large landowner whom Yorba Linda is named after. In the background is Mission San Juan Capistrano. To the right is Pio Pico, the last Mexican governor of California. Most of the figures are Latinos doing everyday activities: washing clothes, riding horses, eating together.

Detail from “Pastoral California” mural depicting Pio Pico, the last governor of Mexican California and famous Californio singer Laura Moya. 1930s LA art critic Merle Armitage praised the mural: “Kassler has adhered not only to the beautiful traditions of pastoral California, but at the same time has also borne in mind the splendid Spanish architecture, and, lastly, created a beautiful fresco of amazing vitality and freshness of viewpoint.”
Dr. H. Lynn Sheller taught English and History at Fullerton College in 1934, at the time “Pastoral California” was painted. “I watched him [Charles Kassler] put the mural up there,” Sheller recalled in an interview for the Fullerton College Oral History Program, “I would visit him day after day as he was working…the feature of a fresco is that the paint is mixed in with the plaster, thus it is supposed to be permanent.”
But not everyone was happy with Kassler’s mural.
An article from August 30, 1939 in the Fullerton News-Tribune entitled “High School Mural Doomed; Paint it Out, Trustees Order” reads:
“Fullerton Union high school’s much discussed and criticized mural which covers the outside west wall of the auditorium received its death sentence at the hands of district trustees last night who ordered the wall paint sprayed to cover the painting.
This mural is approximately 75 feet long by 15 feet high with its huge figures of horses and riders and other human forms depicting early California days has been a mooted [sic] point since its completion several [five] years ago by the artist Kassler as a federal art project.
Most occupants of the high school will shed no tears over the decision of the board; it was indicated today as the lurid colors and somewhat grotesque figures have apparently failed to capture popular fancy.”

1939 article from Fullerton News-Tribune courtesy of the Local History Room of the Fullerton Public Library. C. Stanley Chapman, son of Fullerton’s first mayor, Charles C. Chapman, and a city council man himself, was one of the ones who “shed no tears.” In an interview for the Cal State Fullerton Oral History Program, Chapman said: “The [mural] down there at the school was almost as absurd [as the one in the post office]. They were painted by that WPA business and the painting did not go with the architecture of the school. It was a great relief when they did paint them out. They were not an artistic addition to the building by any means”
The college student interviewing Chapman replied that superintendent Louis Plummer disagreed with this assessment: “Mr. Plummer seemed to think they were nice although he did not say so. He simply quoted a long article from the Los Angeles Times art critic who said they were lovely and truly representative and that the colors were beautiful. Mr. Plummer ends that little discourse by saying, ‘and they were painted over,’ as though he was disappointed.”
Chapman repied, “Oh, yes, the colors were good. But I have forgotten what the theme was.”
The interviewer reminded him, “Mexican entertainment; with the horses, and the children playing.”
Chapman replied, “Oh, yes, Well, the colors were nice. I don’t know. I was never involved in the school board or anything like that.”
Why was the mural painted over? I have heard some speculate that it was because some of the women depicted in the mural had naked, exposed breasts. However, I have seen no evidence that there was any nudity in the mural. In the mural as it exists today, and in every photo I’ve seen, the women are clothed. Some of them have big breasts, but that hardly seems justification for painting over the whole mural.

The allegedly offending women. “It wasn’t until we had a group of trustees in here who were negatively inclined, that it was painted over,” Sheller remembers. When asked why it was painted over, Sheller said, “Some people felt it was vulgar or gross in some way. It simply showed the Mexican women as they were probably attired at that time. They were very bosomy women. I don’t think that we would feel that there was anything wrong with it. I never felt there was.”
But others have a different view, one I believe makes more sense, given the social context of 1930s Fullerton.
“It was too Mexican, that’s why,” speculated Charles Hart, 75, who was a student at the high school and remembers the mural before it was covered up. “The school board didn’t want to leave the impression that this town was anything else but Anglos. Too extreme for them, I guess.”
Hart said this in a 1997 Los Angeles TImes article.
The decision to paint over this mural probably had to do with its subject matter. It celebrated Mexican culture at a time of heightened racism against Mexicans, and when Mexicans lived in segregated communities, attended segregated schools, and were often forcefully and illegally deported back to Mexico during the Great Depression.
I have written about this at some length in an article entitled “The Roots of Inequality: The Citrus Industry Prospered on the Back of Segregated Immigrant Labor.”
“Pastoral California” remained painted over for six decades years until, in 1997 it was restored, thanks to a massive community effort. I was actually attending Fullerton High School at the time. Some of my friends, art students, helped with the restoration. I remember thinking, even then: Why would anyone have painted over something so beautiful?
A Tale of Two Cities
In the 1920s, Fullerton experienced a housing boom, with numerous new subdivisions being built. With the advent of the Great Depression, much new construction stopped, leading to a housing shortage.
To help with the housing situation, the New Deal established entities like the Federal Housing Administration (FHA), which offered affordable home loans and other assistance to homeowners and home buyers.

Fullerton Daily News-Tribune, 1932. In the 1930s, Fullerton was really a “Tale of Two Cities” divided along racial lines. Most neighborhoods had racially restrictive housing covenants that prevented non-whites from renting our purchasing property.
There was really only one relatively small neighborhood–the Truslow/Valencia neighborhood where Latinos and African Americans could purchase homes.
The majority of Latinos living in Fullerton in the 1930s lived in citrus work camps. There was one near downtown at Balcom and Pomona (Campo Pomona), another one near Valencia Ave., and then there were several “colonias” (little communities) on the Bastanchury Ranch (that is, until the mass deportation of 1933).

Campo Pomona. The presence of a large Mexican labor force in the Anglo-dominated towns of Orange County, including Fullerton, led to policies of segregation and second class citizenship for the Mexican workers and their families.
“Mexicans in citrus towns were invariably the pickers and packers; and consequently they were poor, segregated into colonies or villages, and socially ostracized, even though they were economically indispensable to the larger society,” historian Gilbert Gonzalez writes in Labor and Community: Mexican Citrus Worker Villages in a Southern California County, 1900-1950. “The class structure in rural areas has generally divided along lines of nationality. At the top, the growers, native-born white; at the bottom, the foreign-born migrants, or his or her children.”
Segregation and structural inequality also extended to education. In the camps, there were schools built exclusively for the Mexican children.
“Segregated schooling assumed a pedagogical norm that was to endure into the fifties and parallels in remarkable ways the segregation of African Americans across the United States,” Gonzalez writes. “By the mid-1920s, the segregated schooling process in the county expanded, matured, and solidified, was manifested in fifteen exclusively Mexican schools [throughout Orange County], together enrolling nearly four thousand pupils. All the Mexican schools except one were located in citrus growing areas of the county…Distinctions between Mexican and Anglo schools included differences in their physical quality.”
There were at least two “Mexican Schools” in Fullerton–one on the Bastanchury Ranch and another in Campo Pomona.


Fullerton Grammar School at Wilshire and Lawrence, which no longer exists. Notice the difference in quality with the Mexican School. Unlike at the white schools, curriculum at the Mexican schools were generally limited to vocational subjects, and junior high was considered the end of schooling for most students, many of whom accompanied their parents in the groves and packinghouses.
One woman who taught at these segregated “Mexican Schools” was Arletta Kelly. In an interview for the CSUF Oral History Program, Kelly described her struggle to convince her colleagues that Mexican students had the same potential as whites.
“Some of my colleagues here would laugh at me and say, ‘Are you a wetback?’” she said.
In addition to educating children, teachers at the “Mexican schools” also taught “Americanization” classes to adults—to assimilate the workers to American society.
“Whereas the Americanization programs in the local villages appear unique, in reality they reflected a generalized expression for the eradication of national cultural differentiation across the United States,” Gonzalez writes.
Under the California Home Teachers Act of 1915, Americanization programs focused on the teaching of English.
Louis E. Plummer, superintendent of the Fullerton High School District, staunchly supported Americanization because in his view the persistence of “Little Italys, Little Chinas, Little Mexicos” stifled the development of a “homogeneous people.” In particular, the failure of Mexicans to live in a “model way” or as “first class citizens,” which was produced by “a hangover of lazy independence” made it imperative that rather than merely learning skills, Mexicans had to learn and live within the fundamental cultural norms of the United States. His perspective summarized much of the Americanization spirit in the larger community during the late 1800s and early 1900s.
“Many a surviving villager resident has not forgotten that in their youth the ‘Anglos never wanted to have anything to do with us except that we pick their oranges.’ Such was the nature of the dominant contours in the Mexican and Anglo social relations in the citrus towns,” Gonzalez writes.
Mass Deportation of Mexican Immigrants
With unemployment on the rise during the Great Depression, immigrants (as always) made a convenient scapegoat and there were calls to restrict immigration.
The Great Depression proved disastrous for the Bastanchury family, owners of “the largest orange grove in the world.” Unable to pay their debts, the Bastanchury Ranch went into receivership, and lost most of their property.
According to Druzilla Mackey, a teacher in the Mexican camp schools, “The American Community…felt that the jobs done so patiently by Mexicans for so many years should now be given to them. ‘Those’ Mexicans instead of ‘our’ Mexicans should ‘all be shipped right back to Mexico where they belong’…And so, one morning we saw nine train-loads of our dear friends roll away back to the windowless, dirt-floor homes we had taught them to despise.”

Fullerton Daily News-Tribune, 1933. What she is referring to is a mass deportation of nearly all of the Mexican workers on the Bastanchury Ranch in the early 1930s. This deportation was part of a much larger deportation effort across the United States, which is described at length in the book Decade of Betrayal: Mexican Repatriation in the 1930s.
“Outside of the community, the Mexican became the scapegoat,” Gonzalez writes. “In 1931 and 1932, local and county governments caught up in the drive across the Untied States to deport Mexicans sought to cut budgets through repatriating Mexicans. Induced through threats of relief cutoff sweetened with an offer of free transportation, about 2,000 left Orange County.”
Many of those deported were actually American citizens. A few years ago, I had the privilege of interviewing Fullerton resident Manuel Rivas Maturino, who was born on the Bastanchury Ranch, and remembers the experience of “repatriation.”
“All of the Mexican camps on the ranch have been eliminated and all American labor is being used with 28 houses on the ranch now filled with regular employees, nearly all of whom have been continuously on the payroll since last April,” the News-Tribune reported in 1933. “Nine carloads of Mexicans, including 437 adults and children–mostly children–were deported from Orange county today to points on the Mexican border, where they were to re-enter their native country.”
Despite these mass deportations, local growers realized that they needed Mexican workers to harvest the orange crop, and so continued to utilize the labor of immigrants.
The 1936 Citrus War
Throughout the 1930s, many labor strikes occurred throughout California. Mrs. Reba Crawford Splivalo, state director of social welfare, told an audience of around 300 in the Fullerton high school auditorium in 1933: “I see in the sky the signs of rebellion. I am not crying ‘wolf, wolf.’ I am giving a warning. If the present economic situation is to survive the needs of the underprivileged must be met. Capital and labor must find a common meeting ground.”
In his book Endangered Dreams: The Great Depression in California, historian Kevin Starr writes, “Between January 1933 and June 1939, more than ninety thousand harvest, packaging, and canning workers went out on some 170-odd strikes.”
That was just agriculture. Major strikes in other industries, such as the 1934 West Coast waterfront strike, rocked California’s major coastal cities.
These strikes were massive and sometimes erupted into violent street fights between strikers and police. Late in 1934, streetcar workers in Los Angeles went on strike. Closer to home, dairy workers in Orange County went on strike.
Those organizing labor strikes were often accused of being communists.
In 1936, the sleepy agricultural towns of Orange County, including Fullerton, saw a labor strike unprecedented in its intensity–revealing long-simmering tensions.

Santa Ana Register, 1936. “Warning to citrus growers that they might expect communistic activities in this district as soon as the valencia season opens and methods of combating the agitation was given by H.O. Easton, packinghouse manager, at the regular meeting of the chamber of commerce here yesterday,” the News-Tribune reported in 1935.
Easton argued that local cities should pass anti-picketing ordinances (Fullerton already had one).
“He told citrus growers that they should impress upon workers they hire that any agitation is the work of communists attempting to start trouble among men employed in this district,” the News-Tribune reported.
Special guards were requested to protect packinghouses.
The truth is that most rank-and-file workers were not communists. They just wanted better working conditions. However, some of the organizers were, in fact, communists.
“Charles McLauchlan of Anaheim, self-admitted worker in the interests of the communist party, was arrested late yesterday afternoon at Placentia by Chief of Police Gus Barnes and charged with violation of the city ordinance prohibiting distribution of circulars and handbills without a license,” the News-Tribune reported.
McLauchlan was accused of selling copies of the Western Worker, a labor newspaper, to Mexican citrus workers in Placentia. He was also selling copies of a booklet, The Fascist Menace in the U.S.A.
If the strike organizers were sometimes communists, the growers and the legal system that sided with them often acted like fascists, cracking down hard on those trying to organize to better their lot.
In 1935, there was talk of strike among the remaining Mexican workers, to improve pay and working conditions.
Ricardo G. Hill, Mexican consul at Los Angeles, addressed a crowd of 2,500 Mexican workers in Anaheim, urging them not to strike, and to wait until next picking season to attempt to form a union. Earlier in the day, Hill had met with local packinghouse managers who “said they would not recognize the rights of the Mexican pickers to organize and demand a minimum wage of $2.25 a day and that managers threatened to import Filipino workers to Orange County to do the work, if necessary.”
It’s ironic, though not surprising, that growers and packinghouse managers opposed worker efforts to organize for better wages and working conditions because organizing for a better return was exactly what the growers and packinghouses did. They pooled their resources in the form of the California Fruit Growers Exchange (or Sunkist) to fix prices and make the most money.
In his 1972 USC doctoral dissertation entitled The Orange County Citrus Strikes of 1935-1936: The Forgotten People in Revolt, Louis Reccow called it, “the largest and most violent citrus strike of the depression.”
In March strike leaders sent the growers of Orange County two lists of demands calling for better pay and working conditions as well as union recognition–demands which the growers ignored.
On June 11, as many as 2,500 workers went on strike.
The Fullerton News-Tribune characterized the strike leaders as outside agitators and communists. Police officers were organized to “protect” those who wanted to work from “threats of agitators.”
Sheriff Logan Jackson deputized hundreds of men. The American Legion and Veterans of Foreign Wars pledged their assistance to police and the growers.
During the strike, pickers who did not participate were escorted to work by armed guards.
“Police, deputy sheriffs and specially recruited deputies of police, sheriff and constables were in the field this morning keeping a constant watch for appearance of agitators,” the News-Tribune reported.
“Scab” crews and white students were hired to pick the oranges.
“From Placentia high school and Fullerton district junior college, scores of youths went today to orchards to take the place of the strikers,” the News-Tribune reported.
The first instance of “violence” occurred in Anaheim when striker Virginia Torres bit a police officer on the arm.
“Two hundred angry Mexican women spurned on the citrus picker’s strike today as the first riot call of the strike sent a score of officers into Anaheim early this morning to quell a disturbance led by the women,” the News-Tribune reported.
Torres and others were arrested.
Elsewhere, in Brea, strikers were arrested on flimsy grounds ranging from traffic violations to trespassing.
Charles McLaughlan was arrested on trespassing charges in the Mexican worker camp on Balcom in Fullerton. Not long after McLauchlan’s arrest, some striking orange pickers were evicted from their homes in the worker’s camp.
Conflict between strikers, scabs, and law enforcement sometimes flared into violence.
“During the month of July [1936], northern Orange County experienced a kind of civil war,” Reccow writes. “Increased picketing, violence, armed deputies by the score, vigilante attacks, mass arrests and trials, shoot-to-kill orders, calls for State interference, along with California State Federation of Labor and federal government involvement–all contributed to the situation.”

Fullerton Daily News-Tribune, 1936. “With violence reported in several sectors of the citrus strike area of Orange county and with three Mexican pickers from Azusa in county hospital with a stab wound, lacerated face and smashed teeth, respectively, peace officers throughout the county and orange grove owners and packinghouse officials promised the future would find all picking areas guarded with sawed off shotguns and other weapons,” the News-Tribune reported.
“All Orange country was under heavy guard today as Sheriff Logan Jackson, following yesterday’s violence, began deputizing 170 additional special deputies to protect every picking crew and packinghouse in the county,” the News-Tribune reported.
The increased police presence did little to quell the conflict. In one day at the height of the strike, 159 Mexican strikers were arrested on charges of “rioting.”
As conflict and occasional violence continued, Sheriff Jackson issued a “Shoot to Kill” order to his men.

Fullerton Daily News-Tribune, 1936 “New special deputies were being added rapidly to the sheriff’s office staff, which numbers 300 to 400 now, and 20 more California highway patrol officers were rushed here today from Los Angeles county to be added to 35 or 40 already on duty,” the News-Tribune reported.
In La Habra, 40 or 50 families were evicted from their homes on ranch property for participating in the strike.
In the conflict, the strikers had weapons like rocks and clubs. The police had tear gas guns, hand grenades, rifles, and shotguns.
Sometimes the police would arrest and jail Mexicans before any crime occurred.
“A strange parade it was from Placentia ave, at Pointsettia, near Anaheim, yesterday afternoon as California highway patrolmen and the sheriff intercepted 19 carloads of Mexicans, more than 100 in all, who said they were going to Orange for a meeting,” the News-Tribune reported. “The parade, enlarged by five more carloads intercepted in a neighboring road, ended at the jail.”
On July 8 the 119 Mexicans arrested on rioting charges were arraigned in the open courtyard behind the Fullerton courthouse under heavy guard from state highway patrol officers and deputy sheriffs armed with sub-machine guns and sawed off shotguns.
A couple weeks later this large group was again transported to Fullerton.
“The Odd Fellows Temple, selected by law officials as the site of the hearing for security reasons, soon resembled an armed fortress. Men armed with submachine guns, riot guns, revolvers, and clubs guarded all exits and entrances,” the News-Tribune reported.
Part of the reason the strike continued was because of the growers’ insistence that the strike was not a result of legitimate grievances, but rather part of some nefarious communist plot.
“Dr. W.H. Wickett of Fullerton, a member of the publicity committee of the growers organization, said today that the growers have definitely learned that the strike is not a walkout merely for the betterment of pickers but is directed and abetted by communist headquarters for the purpose of fomenting strife in the interests of communism,” the News-Tribune reported.
In fact, the workers’ demands, which were publicly sent to the growers well before the strike, had nothing to do with communism, and everything to do with improving pay and working conditions.
Whether growers like Wickett actually believed the strikers represented a communist threat or they were simply seeking to tarnish the strikers so as to avoid having to treat their workers better, is hard to say.
It wasn’t just the police who sought to disrupt and end the strikers’ activities. Vigilante activity also occurred.
“Wild disorder, repetition of which was promised for tonight at the same place, broke out last night about 9:15pm, near Santa Fe ave. and Melrose in the center of Placentia as 40 Americans of a vigilante committee swooped down upon a Mexican gathering and with guns, clubs and a score of tear gas bombs sent them scattering in ever direction,” the News-Tribune reported. “Reports…stated 20 to 30 Mexicans and a few of the white men were injured, cars were smashed and other damage done. Several Mexicans among the group, who had gathered on the Luis Varcas handball court for a meeting told officers they definitely recognized ‘Stuart Strathman as the supposed leader of the raid.’”
Strathman was a leading representative of the growers and packinghouses, with an office at the Chamber of Commerce.
No arrests or charges were made against any of the vigilantes.
Eventually, an agreement between the strikers and growers was reached–insuring higher wages and a few other benefits, but not union recognition.
Charges against all but 13 of the strikers charged with rioting were dismissed. Of those, 10 were found guilty and faced fines and imprisonment.
Reflecting on the strike, Reccow writes, “The strike offers a classic study in the use of anti-strike tactics: the deputizing of hundreds of growers, blacklisting, the eviction of workers from company homes, the cries that agitators and communists were responsible for the strike, vigilante attacks, the strict enforcement of an anti-picketing ordinance, the jailing of large numbers of strikers and the deportation of alien Mexican workers.”
Journalist Carey McWilliams wrote, “No one who has visited a rural county in California under these circumstances will deny the reality of the terror that exists. It is no exaggeration to describe this state of affairs as fascism in practice.”

Illustration for Carey McWilliams’ article “Gunkist Oranges” A Socialist for Governor?!
In the midst of economic hard times and labor agitation, noted author and socialist Upton Sinclair ran for governor of California. Sinclair, most famous for his 1905 novel The Jungle, which portrayed the filthy and inhumane conditions of the meatpacking industry, had spent his life writing numerous books highlighting various injustices and corruption in American life.
Sinclair had moved to Southern California in 1916 and, in addition to writing, also involved himself in politics, running for congress twice (in 1920 and 1922) as a Socialist. He founded California’s chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU).
In 1934, he decided to run for governor of the Golden State, this time as a Democrat. He won the party’s nomination and faced off against Republican Frank Merriam. Sinclair’s program was called End Poverty in California (or, EPIC). He wrote a pamphlet called I, Governor of California, and How I Ended Poverty, which laid out his plans and was widely distributed.
During the campaign, Sinclair came to Fullerton and spoke before a crowd of over 1,200 in the FUHS auditorium. Today, Sinclair sounds a lot like Bernie Sanders.

Fullerton Daily News-Tribune, 1934 “The trouble in America,” Sinclair began, “is that privilege entrenched itself in government and society and brought a condition where two percent of the people control 50 percent of the wealth. Wall Street tricks to control American finance by piling up wealth on one side and beating down wealth on the other made bums of twenty or thirty million people…”
Sinclair was particularly outraged with the practice of large agricultural interests destroying “surplus” crops to keep prices up.
“Limitation of production or the destruction of food or other wealth while millions of people are in need is the very apex of economic insanity,” Sinclair said.
This practice of destroying food for the benefit of big business while people starve is what gave the title to John Steinbeck’s 1939 novel The Grapes of Wrath, about farmworkers in California during the Great Depression:
“There is a crime here that goes beyond denunciation. There is a sorrow here that weeping cannot symbolize. There is a failure here that topples all our success. The fertile earth, the straight tree rows, the sturdy trunks, and the ripe fruit. And children dying of pellagra must die because a profit cannot be taken from an orange. And coroners must fill in the certificate- died of malnutrition- because the food must rot, must be forced to rot. The people come with nets to fish for potatoes in the river, and the guards hold them back; they come in rattling cars to get the dumped oranges, but the kerosene is sprayed. And they stand still and watch the potatoes float by, listen to the screaming pigs being killed in a ditch and covered with quick-lime, watch the mountains of oranges slop down to a putrefying ooze; and in the eyes of the people there is the failure; and in the eyes of the hungry there is a growing wrath. In the souls of the people the grapes of wrath are filling and growing heavy, growing heavy for the vintage.”
The backbone of Sinclair’s plan of ending poverty in California involved giving unemployed workers access to the means of production and letting them produce for themselves.
“The program…will offer land colonies and factories to the unemployed and a distributing system where the people can buy necessities at cost and thereby eliminate the middle man,” Sinclair said. “It will make production for and equal to consumption because the unemployed will produce for themselves only and will make the million in the state now leaning on charity self-supporting.”
The EPIC plan also called for a remedy to economic inequality through a revised and graduated tax system, with higher taxes on the wealthy.
Sinclair was clearly on the side of the workers. Meanwhile, the Republican Frank Merriam was on the side of business.
As is documented in his book I, Candidate for Governor, and How I Got Licked, despite his popularity, Sinclair faced formidable opposition from big business and mainstream media (including Hollywood), who ran a well-funded smear campaign against him.
The Fullerton Daily News-Tribune ran numerous articles and editorials portraying Sinclair as a dangerous radical who would bring ruin to California.
The California Real Estate association, unsurprisingly, came out against Sinclair, as did the Orange County Democratic party (just like the national Democratic Party did with Bernie Sanders in 2016).
Meanwhile, local leaders organized a parade in Merriam’s honor. And the Tribune published numerous articles which painted Merriam in a very positive light. Ultimately, Merriam defeated Sinclair. Poverty would, unfortunately, not end.

Fullerton Daily News-Tribune, 1934. Those elected to Fullerton City Council throughout the 1930s were wealthy, white businessmen who tended to favor the status quo over any radical program proposed by Sinclair.
They were Billy Hale (orange grower), Ted Concoran (paper company owner), Thomas Gowen (rancher), Harry Maxwell (real estate developer), George Lillie (orange grower), Hans Kohlenberger (factory owner), Walter Muckenthaler (orange grower), Olie Cole, Carl Bowen, and William Montague.
It would be decades until a woman or person of color was elected to Fullerton City Council.
What Fullerton Needs Now is a Drink
Prohibition, which was enacted in 1919 with the ratification of the 18th amendment, was nearing its end. It would be repealed in 1933 by the 21st amendment. Prior to that, the Wright Act, which provided state enforcement of prohibition, was repealed by voters. Fullerton, being Fullerton, kept its local ordinances making alcohol illegal.
Even prior to the repeal, congress passed a law permitting the sale of beer with an alcohol content of 3.2 or less.
Things played out a bit contentiously in Orange County. After the passage of the Beer law, the OC District Attorney declared alcohol still illegal under a county ordinance.
“Orange county remains bone dry, regardless of the new beer bill passed by congress, District Attorney S.B. Kaufman declared in a formal opinion today,” the News-Tribune reported. “The county still had a dry ordinance and because the new beer law allowed for local control…Meanwhile, LA county board of supervisors repealed their local ordinance, thus allowing beer.”
The battle between “wet” and “dry” supporters played out locally, as Fullerton City Council considered rescinding its dry ordinance. City Council declined to take a position on the contentious matter, instead putting it to a vote of the people, who decided they needed a drink.
In short order, some Fullerton businesses began selling beer.

Fullerton Daily News-Tribune ad. And with the passage of the 21st amendment, Prohibition was over.
Entertainment and Sports
To escape the troubles of life, folks went to movies at the Fox Theater.

Fullerton Daily News-Tribune, 1931. In 1931, Fullerton hosted its first Jacaranda Festival, showing off the purple flowers of the trees that still line Jacaranda Dr. and other streets. The Festival included a pageant at the high school with a cast of 300.

Fullerton Daily News-Tribune, 1932. In 1934, Fullerton celebrated a Valencia Orange Festival, which drew 40,000 attendees.

Fullerton Daily News-Tribune, 1934. Locals got some excitement in 1935 when the baseball movie “Alibi Ike” starring Joe E. Brown was filmed at Commonwealth Park.
Baseball games at Commonwealth (now Amerige) Park were hugely popular. The Portland Beavers did their spring training there.
In 1937, African American Fullerton author Ruby Berkley Goodwin published a book of dramatic sketches based upon Negro spirituals, in collaboration with composer William Grant Still, whose “Afro-American Symphony” was the first to be published by an African American.
In 1938, hometown hero Arky Vaughn, a professional baseball player, played a special benefit game at Amerige Park. He hit a home run!
Fullerton celebrated its 50-year anniversary with a huge three-day program, including “a colorful historical pageant including a cast of approximately 1,000 residents” which took place in the FUHS stadium and auditorium.

Fullerton Daily News-Tribune, 1937. In addition to the pageant and baseball games, there was a coronation ball for the Golden Jubilee queen and “Miss Columbia,” Pearl McAulay Phillips and Mary Catherine Morgan.
The pageant, called “Conquest of the Years” featured scenes from local history, from Native Americans to the expedition of Don Gaspar de Portola, Spanish/Mexican hacienda days, Basque sheepherders, the appearance of town founders the Amerige brothers, to the first buildings, schools, and churches built.
“Conquest” feels like an appropriate sentiment for how Americans at this time saw their place in history. They were the latest proud beneficiaries of a series of conquests. Today, some Americans view this aspect of our history with ambivalence, perhaps not wanting to highlight the “conquest” part. But that is, unfortunately, the best way to describe how the US came into possession of so much land, which had previous owners.
Social clubs were popular in Fullerton, including Rotary, Kiwanis, Lions, Business and Professional Women’s Club, Fullerton Junior Chamber of Commerce, American Legion, 20-30 club, Ebell Club, YMCA, YWCA, Masons, Odd Fellows, and more.
Stay tuned for my next installment “Fullerton in the 1940s!”
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Fullerton in 1951
The following is from a work-in-progress about the history of Fullerton. You can support my ongoing research and writing on Patreon.
The Local History Room of the Fullerton Public Library has microfilm from the Fullerton Daily News-Tribune newspaper stretching back to 1893. I am in the process of reading over the microfilm, year by year, to get a sense of what was happening in the town over the years, and creating a mini archive. Below are some news stories from 1951.
The Korean War
In international news, the Korean War raged. This was both a civil war between north and south and a proxy war between the capitalist west and communist east. The tragedy of the Korean War was that the line separating north and south (the 38th parallel) remained unchanged before and after the war. Millions died for a line that never moved. Thankfully, the United States learned the lesson of the Korean War, and never got into another unwinnable war based on Cold War ideology. Just kidding. We did the Vietnam War.

Some young men from Fullerton fought, and died, in the Korean War.

A new business plant was established in Fullerton that made tank ordinances. This would be one of a number of defense industries that sprung up in Fullerton and surrounding areas during and after World War II. President Eisenhower would later call this the Military Industrial Complex.

The Cold War
Cold War tensions escalated between the United States and the Soviet Union, leading to fears of atomic war.
The Atomic Energy Commission began conducting bomb tests in the Nevada desert.

These atomic tests, unfortunately, spread fallout to communities “downwind” of the blasts in Nevada and surrounding areas, and as far away as New York–leading to increased cancer rates across huge swaths of America and the world. We never experienced atomic war, but we felt the impact of testing fallout. This is explored in the 2023 documentary Downwind. Thankfully, we have learned the lessons of history, and political leaders today are committed to a ban on nuclear testing. Just kidding. President Trump recently announced that he wants to resume nuclear testing.

Here in Fullerton, fears of atomic war led to the establishment of a Civil Defense, as well as the construction of bomb shelters and “duck and cover” drills for local students.


The Cold War also led to a heightened fear of communists and communist thought in America, which manifested in the “Red Scare.” Thankfully, we have learned the lesson of history, and American political leaders no longer engage in “Red Scare” tactics. Just kidding. Republicans recently lost their minds over Zohran Mamdani, mayor-elect of New York.

Growth

On a somewhat more positive note, Fullerton continued to experience extraordinary growth following World War II. This was a time when the U.S. government invested heavily in home ownership and growing the middle class, in the form of FHA loans and no-down payment options for veterans. Thankfully, the U.S. government is just as committed today to making home ownership accessible to all Americans. Just kidding. The average home in Fullerton today costs over a million dollars.

New subdivisions sprang up like mushrooms on former orange groves.
“Primarily an agriculture and residential area, Fullerton and its surrounding territories have undergone one of the greatest building splurges in the history of Southern California,” the News-Tribune reported. “While not in the same class with the Lakewood district of Long Beach, the area has seen a tripling of population figures since 1940 with a corresponding leap in the number of homes…A total of 1226 dwelling permits were issued in Fullerton alone during the banner year [1950], 713 of which were for single family residences, both in tracts and for individuals.”

New shopping centers and businesses sprung up to serve the growing population.

New developments were advertised in the pages of the Fullerton News-Tribune.

Education
As Fullerton added hundreds of new homes and families, new schools were built to accommodate the children of the new arrivals.

Fullerton High School was expanded with new buildings.

There was talk of naming the high school auditorium (built in 1930) after former principal/superintendent Louis Plummer, who was allegedly a member of the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s, as were many local leaders.

While the elementary and high schools were growing, Fullerton College suffered a drop in enrollment due to the Korean War.

A million dollar school bond issue failed. New residents wanted new schools, but not an increased tax burden.

Annexation Fight with Anaheim
As both Fullerton and Anaheim grew, there was an annexation fight between the two cities over a strip of land in south Fullerton and north Anaheim. Fullerton ultimately won the fight.

Law and Order

Fullerton police chief John C. Gregory retired after 25 years with the force.

He was replaced by Ernie Garner.

The biggest local crime was the kidnapping, sexual assault, and murder of 10-year-old Patricia Hull by country singer Henry Ford McCracken in Buena Park. The crime and trial captured the attention of Orange County and beyond.

A less grisly, and more comical, criminal in 1951 was the so-called “pants burglar.”

In the 1950s, narcotics were becoming more of a national and local issue.

Local Residents Protest Mexican Citrus Work Camp
While many orange groves were being plowed under for housing development, the citrus industry was still a major aspect off the local economy in 1951. These two things (housing and the citrus industry) came into conflict when a labor camp was proposed to house 1000 Mexican citrus workers.
“Although several residents of Fullerton have filed protests with the city after learning of the plan, there is actually nothing that can be done by the city to prevent the move, City Engineer Herman Hiltscher said today, since the area is zoned for industry,” the News-Tribune reported.
A representative of the local orange growers association said that the county’s citrus ranchers face a “very definite crisis” in the matter of getting enough labor for their Valencia harvest, scheduled to begin within five or six weeks.
“He pointed out the 12 labor camps now in use, including the largest one near Anaheim, house only 2000 men and said that “this isn’t enough for the job.” The organization was denied use of a 17-acre parcel near the Orange County hospital by a 4-3 vote of the county supervisors recently,” the News-Tribune reported.
Local residents proposed to file an injunction against the construction of the camp.

“Citrus Growers already have 12 camps in Orange County. Two camps for workers are in Fullerton, one on E. Truslow avenue for 75 persons and one on S. Balcom for 150 workers,” the News-Tribune reported.
In a series of public meetings, some local residents spoke against the citrus camp.

“I came here from the East seven years ago and after considering many fine suburbs of Los Angeles chose Fullerton in which to buy a home and plant my roots because it was free of riff raff and seemed to take pride in its beautiful streets and homes,” Anne Hoyal said.
“We do not want to live within a stone throw of such a place, no matter how ultra modern their buildings and facilities are. Imagine directing some friend to our brand new home–”Oh–it’s just over there by the labor camp.” Why don’t some of the people, who are in favor of it, build it near their lovely ranch house,” Mrs. Warren T. Johnson said.
Mel Thibault, leader of the recall campaign, said that he had 2,000 signatures to a petition asking the City Council to halt the construction of the camp until the citizens could be heard.
“I didn’t say that I didn’t like Mexicans,” Mel Thibault said. “On the contrary, I said I loved them. I stated that I didn’t want the labor camp here because it would possibly bring an undesirable class of people into the City of Fullerton.”
A local group paid for ads in the News-Tribune against the proposed camp. The issue of the proposed camp pitted the old guard of citrus growers against the newer moneyed interests in the form of housing developers and property owners.

Ultimately, council approved the camp, having no legal ability to block its construction. After approving the citrus camp, three city council members faced a potential recall.

“Motion to circulate a petition for the recall of the mayor and two councilmen was approved by the taxpayers Group which held a protest meeting in the Civic Auditorium last night just prior to appearing before the City Council,” the News-Tribune reported. “The recall petition will be against Mayor Thomas J. Eadington and Councilmen High W. Warden and Verne L. Wilkinson. Thibault charged the trio with “apparent negligence and inefficiency” in permitting the labor camp to be located in Fullerton. Jack Adams and Kermit Wood protested the location of the camp here in a meeting.”
For all the talk about protecting taxpayers, at the root of opposition to the citrus camp was (at least in part) pervasive racism against Mexicans in the 1950s. The following strange article appeared in the News-Tribune:

“The social slobsisters–pardon us, sobsisters–who weep over the “wetbacks” could render a real service if they would stand for official energy and honesty in deporting “Wetbacks” from both factories and farms and support the legal commonsense plan of bringing Mexican workers in under contract, and sending them back home when their contracts expire,” an article in the News-Tribune stated.
Meanwhile, the camp was built. The president of Mexico actually sent some famous musicians and officials to entertain and encourage the workers, who undoubtedly did not feel welcome in Fullerton.

Thankfully, racism and scapegoating of Mexican immigrants is a thing of the past in America. Just kidding. It is, tragically, alive and well.
Businesses
Here are a few of the major businesses that existed in Fullerton in 1951, including Harris Drug Store, Red Reinhardt Service Station, Robinson’s Market, Fender Electrical Musical Instruments Co, McCoy Mills Ford, McMahan’s Furniture, Pacific Citrus Products (which made Hawaiian Punch), and Sears & Roebuck.








Sadly, the town’s old lumber mill was torn down. Progress, I suppose.

Culture and Entertainment
For culture and entertainment, Fullertonians went to see movies at the Fox Theater and the Wilshire Theater.

Just down the road in Buena Park, Knott’s Berry Farm was attracting visitors to its old west Ghost Town.

Fullerton hosted a huge Community Fair.

One popular aspect of local culture in the 1950s was the crowning of “Queens” for various events–the community fair, Homecoming, etc.



A popular swimming spot was the “plunge” at Fullerton High School.

Residents of the Princeton Circle area set up elaborate Christmas decorations. They still do this today in the form of the “Sparkle Ball” neighborhood.

Deaths
Justice of the Peace Halsey Spence died.

And Maude Plummer, wife of former high school superintendent Louis Plummer, was killed.

Stay tuned for top news stories from 1952!
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A History of the Fullerton Police Department

The following is from a work-in-progress about the history of Fullerton. You can support my ongoing research and writing on Patreon.
Introduction
As part of my research into Fullerton history, I have created a number of mini-histories that will eventually be integrated into a larger narrative. Some mini-histories I’ve written so far cover such local topics as Hawaiian Punch, Hughes Aircraft, Cal State Fullerton, Maple School, and more.
I have recently completed writing a history of the Fullerton Police Department. The first source I read was an official history of the department published in 2002 by the Fullerton Police Officers Association. While this gives a broadly accurate narrative and includes lots of useful facts and notable people, it leaves out anything negative about the department. I have sought to supplement this history with news articles I obtained in the Local History Room of the Fullerton Public Library, and others online. Another excellent source of information was a memoir written by former Fullerton police officer Phil T. O’Brien called Bullets, Badges, and Bullshit. O’Brien, who worked for the FPD from 1961 to the early 1990s, offers some useful color to a story that might otherwise feel kind of dry.
My hope is that, by synthesizing these diverse sources, I am able to give a more well-rounded picture of the department over the years. This history is, of course, incomplete, but I’ve tried to include as much information as I could find.
Early Days
In the latter half of the 19th century, prior to the formation of the town of Fullerton in 1887, the area was sparsely inhabited by a few farming families. Anaheim had a town constable, but there was no regular law enforcement presence in the area that would become Fullerton. Crime was limited to the occasional “bandit” roaming the area between Los Angeles and San Diego.
“The only law enforcement for the area was the LA County Sheriff’s office out of downtown Los Angeles,” according to FPD’s official history. “The new settlement of Fullerton was a one-day ride on horseback for the assigned lone deputy.”
For a few years after Fullerton was founded in 1887, there was no law enforcement. Saloons and rowdiness downtown created the push for some police presence.
“A number of roughs, hailing from everywhere, make it a point to come to Fullerton every Sunday, and after imbibing a library quantity of tarantula juice proceed to paint the town a bright, brilliant, carmine tint,” the Fullerton Tribune reported in 1893. “They do this with the knowledge that we have no peace officer in this section, and accordingly they have no fear of arrest. We need a constable and a justice of the peace. Anaheim, a small village a few miles south of here, has two of each.”
Eventually, A.A. Pendergrast was appointed as the town’s first constable. Pendergrast, taking ill with rheumatism, was replaced by James Gardiner, son of pioneer farmer Alex Gardiner. Tragically, James died of pneumonia after risking his life to save a young girl during a flood in 1900. He was replaced by Oliver S. Schumacher.
In 1904, Fullerton incorporated as a city, creating an official government. The first elected town marshal was W.A. Barnes. However, he resigned that same year, overwhelmed by the workload which (at that time) included supervising all roadwork and being on duty from 7am to midnight.
City Council appointed orange and walnut grower Charles E. Ruddock to finish the term for which Barnes was elected. Ruddock was re-elected in 1906. That same year, Fullerton residents voted to go “dry”—and outlaw saloons in town, which had been (and would continue to be) a point of contention and fierce debate.

Charles E. Ruddock Ruddock was re-elected in 1908. He expanded the department by appointing four deputies. He “retired” in 1910, and ran (successfully) for Orange County sheriff in 1914.
In 1910, Roderick D. Stone was elected town marshal. He left in 1912 and was replaced by William French, who would eventually become a local judge. It was during French’s term that the title of “marshal” as changed to “chief of police.” William French allegedly joined the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s, along with many other cops and local leaders.
In 1914, Fullerton police got their first official uniforms.
Vernon “Shorty” Myers was elected police chief in 1918. That year, the first motor cops hit the streets, riding Indian motorcycles. In 1919, a new city jail was built.
The 1920s
Arthur Eeles became police chief in 1922. A former Deputy OC Sheriff, Eells had been a sharpshooter with the 364th Infantry during World War I, surviving a mustard gas attack in France.

In 1925, Eeles was asked to resign following a local controversy involving Ku Klux Klan members conducting their own vigilante raid on suspected bootleggers. Eeles was thought to be in league with the Klan.
In the mid-1920s, the Ku Klux Klan had a large presence in Orange County, including Fullerton. Their members included police officers, city council members, judges, teachers—white protestant men from all walks of life, including many prominent community leaders.
A new chief, O.W. Wilson, replaced Eeles. An academic as well as a law man, Wilson would later go on to become a well-respected pioneer in policing, teaching at Harvard and serving as police chief of Chicago.
But he didn’t last long in Fullerton and left the same year he began. He was replaced by Thomas K. Winters, who served for two years, being replaced by James M. Pearson in 1927, who would serve for 13 years.

In those early decades, police chief turnover was quite high, likely a result of the chief having to run for re-election every two years. It appears that some time during Pearson’s term, the police chief went from an elected position to one appointed by city hall because he was the first in a series of longer-tenured chiefs.
During the 1920s, Prohibition was in full effect, and local law enforcement struggled to control bootlegging.
The Fullerton police department occasionally held a public “booze pouring” events in which they dumped out hundreds of gallons of illegal booze they had seized.

Fullerton News-Tribune, 1926. And then, in 1926, something embarrassing happened. Some Fullerton police officers were accused by another officer of stealing wine from the department’s stock of seized liquor for personal use.

Fullerton News-Tribune, 1926. After a few public hearings before City Council, the accused officers denied any wrongdoing and were not convicted of any crimes. The whole ordeal, however, caused a shake-up in the department, in which some officers were forced to resign.
Adding to the embarrassment, Fullerton City Councilmember Emmanuel Smith and beloved football coach “Shorty” Smith were both arrested and fined on liquor charges. Neither lost their jobs.
By 1929 the force was made up of eight men: Kenneth Foster, Frank Moore, RC Mills, SR Mills, JH Trezise, John Gregory, Jake Deist, Ernest Garner, and Chief Pearson.
Prior to radios and walkie-talkies, communications between the police station and officers on duty was conducted by a series of call boxes and lights atop tall buildings downtown—sort of like the Bat signal.
The 1930s
In the 1930s, the Fullerton Police Building and jail was located at 123 W. Wilshire Ave, just behind the fire station. It had three rooms—the chief’s office, the report dest, and the jail cell which had eight bunks.
In 1936, Fullerton Night School began offering a special course for police officers.
That same year, thousands of local Mexican citrus workers went on strike. Hundreds of law enforcement (including sheriff deputies and those from surrounding cities) battled with the strikers in what was the most intense labor conflict in Orange County history.

Fullerton News-Tribune, 1936. The FPD made local headlines in 1937 when Ernie Garner arrested two bank robbers who were on the run, although it was mostly just luck. One of the robbers fell asleep at the wheel and crashed the car right in front of Garner a block from the police station.

Officer Ernest Garner (center) poses with two bank robbers. Photo courtesy of the Fullerton Public Library Local History Room. According to the official FPD history, “In the 1930s, the majority of calls was for drunks, fights, and citrus-related thefts. The patrolmen spent most of his day interacting with the downtown merchants as this was the hub of activity for the small town.”
The 1940s
Chief Pearson retired in 1940 and was replaced by John C. Gregory, who modernized the department with a record-keeping system modeled after the FBI’s.

During World War II, the city established a Police Officer Reserve Corps, air raid wardens, a home guard, and a civil defense council.
After the war, Fullerton entered a period of rapid growth, necessitating more police officers.
“In the 1940s, the type of calls for service changed dramatically. Crime became more frequent as did the instance of violence. The calls for service started to include robberies and burglaries,” according to the official police history. “Traffic accidents were also on the rise with the influx of the population. The small justice court which was held in the city council chambers was outgrowing the facility. The municipal court system was set up to relieve the pressure of the individual justice courts throughout the county.”
In 1941, Fullerton celebrated the completion of a brand new city hall on W. Commonwealth and Highland Ave. The Spanish-style WPA building also housed the police department. Today, it is completely occupied by the police.

Photo courtesy of the Fullerton Public Library Local History Room. The 1950s
In 1951, police chief John Gregory retired and was replaced by Ernest E. Garner, who had served in the police department since 1928. The department had 21 employees.

Chief Ernest Garner poses with the Fullerton Police Department, 1950s. Photo courtesy of the Fullerton Public Library Local History Room. In the 1950s, as the city continued to grow, the first police radio cars were put into service.
In 1955, the Fullerton Police Benefit Association (a sort of proto-union) was formed to give services to officers, including loans, insurance, and to promote social activities.
Chief Garner retired in 1957 and was replaced by Wayne Bornhoft, who would serve for many years and leave an indelible mark on the department. Today, the Fullerton Police Station is named in his honor.
Bornhoft was instrumental in establishing the Fullerton Police Training School in 1960. He served as President of the California Peace Officers Association, and was appointed by governor Reagan to the California Council on Criminal Justice.

Chief Wayne Bornhoft. Photo courtesy of the Fullerton Public Library Local History Room. According to O’Brien, Chief Bornhoft “never left any doubt in anyone’s mind was to who was in charge of the Fullerton Police Department. He was an authoritarian figure who ruled with an iron fist.”
Fullerton hired its first female police officer, Geraldine K. Gregory, in 1959. She worked in the Investigation Division in cases involving juveniles and women.

Geraldine K. Gregory, Fullerton’s first female police officer. Photo courtesy of the Fullerton Public Library Local History Room. That same year, 1959, the Fullerton Police Training Academy was formed.
The 1960s
In the 1960s, the Fullerton Police Benevolent Association became more like a real union, with its president being the chief negotiator with the city regarding salaries, benefits, and working conditions.
In response to concern over increased recreational drug use, the FPD established a narcotics bureau in 1967. Ironically, according to officer O’Brien, the drugs of choice for Fullerton Police were alcohol and steroids.
Fulleton in the 1960s was a pretty conservative town. Officer O’Brien, who was hired in 1961, reflected the conservative establishment’s disdain for the hippie and counterculture of the era.
“Long hair on a male soon became a reason for a shakedown,” O’Brien writes. “Probable cause for a car stop, a pedestrian check, or a pat-down search for drugs or weapons was often listed in reports as simply, longhair.”
O’Brien gives a fascinating account of clashes between police and hippies in the late 1960s at Hillcrest Park, which had become a popular gathering place for young people, rock concerts, and recreational drug use.
“The bowl area became a gathering place for dirt-bag hippies and dopers,” O’Brien writes. “They soon began homesteading the park and made it such an undesirable place that families could no longer go there. We would run them out and make arrests whenever possible, but the situation continued to worsen, and the numbers of troublemakers grew.
Eventually, City Council passed ordinances to close the park at night, prohibit camping, sleeping, and/or “protracted lounging.”
Here’s O’Brien’s account of a final confrontation between the police and the hippies in 1969 at Hillcrest Park:
“More and more dirt-bags poured into the park from all over the state. They began to refer to it as ‘The People’s Park.’
The situation came to a head one day after the news media had advertised far and wide, that on that day the Fullerton Police Department SED Squad [a precursor to SWAT] was closing down the park and would arrest anyone who failed to leave. The less than desirable inhabitants of the park looked upon this declaration as the ultimate challenge. The publicity attracted literally thousands, including newspaper reporters and television crews. Also present were the Mayor, the Police Chief, the Fire Chief, and several fire rigs, paramedics, ambulances and even a few civil rights groups.
We embarked on the task of routing this mob out of the park. They were in the trees, in the bushes, and had homesteaded every conceivable bit of space…It turned into a snipe hunt, and was soon a matter of officers in terms of two or three going after the most flagrant violators.
We were stormed with rocks, bottles, bricks, metal pipes, etc…The battle that day went on for hours, and extended out of the park, through a residential area, and south of Lemon Ave not the Fullerton College campus. A new line was established at Lemon and Berkeley to keep people from filtering back up into the park.”
Eventually, the “People’s Park” was cleared of “dirtbag hippies.”
Another confrontation between the youth and the police occurred at CSUF in the Spring of 1970, when an appearance by Governor Ronald Reagan sparked a series of student protests that drew thousands, lasted for weeks, and involved the occupation of campus buildings.

Fullerton police SED squad at CSUF, 1970. “During this same period of unrest throughout the nation, many agencies began to form and train special riot control squads,” O’Brien writes. “Fullerton was among the first, if not the first in Orange County to form what was called the Special Enforcement Detail (SED)—it was a forerunner to SWAT.”
O’Brien was on the original SED squad sent in to quell the CSUF protests.
“When we arrived on campus there was a crowd of about 2,000 people,” O’Brien writes. “During the exchange that took place after we moved into the crowd, several officers were injured, but none seriously. A number of students and other participants were also injured.”

Police and students clash at CSUF, 1970. Click HERE to read more about the 1970 student protests at CSUF.
As a member of the SED squad, O’Brien was also called in to quell such countercultural events as a hippie festival at Disneyland (including the legendary “Pot Day on Tom Sawyer’s Island”), and the massive 1970 Laguna Rock Festival.
The 1970s
The Department established a “community relations bureau” in 1971, which eventually included the D.A.R.E program instructors, School Resource Officers (SROs), and the Neighborhood Watch program.
In 1974, the department was expanded with a $1.4 million building.
Chief Bornhoft encountered some controversy when he ordered the investigation of an alleged bribery attempt from a housing developer and a City Councilmember, which prompted the council member to try to get the chief fired.
“I have no apologies to make to anyone,” Bornhoft said of the investigation. “That’s the way government should function. There should be checks and balances. I don’t believe that just because an official is an elected official and he is possibly involved in a criminal offense, I can walk away from it and let someone else do it. I feel it is my responsibility to investigate it.”
According to a 1977 LA Times article, Bornhoft’s reign “has been marked by controversy. A sizable segment of the community has supported Bornhoft, seeing him as a conservative, iron-willed, law-and-order chief. His supporters contend that the streets have been safe and the crime rate has held at a modest level. Others however contend that Bornhoft was not sensitive to the problems of minorities and unable or unwilling to communicate with the people.”
Bornhoft retired in 1977, and was replaced by Martin Hairebedian, a 23-year veteran of the LAPD.

Chief Martin Hairabedian was fond of leisure suits. By the 1970s, the Fullerton Police Officers Association was becoming a more powerful union which negotiated with the city for higher pay, benefits, and working conditions.
“In 1979 the association fought for and won a 30% single year increase,” according to the FPOA history. “The members not only walked the picket line in front of city hall but they also rallied the business community.”
The 1980s
In 1983 the FPBA changed the name to the current Fullerton Police Officers Association.
When Martin Hairabedian retired in 1987, Philip Goehring became chief of police. He had worked for the department since 1961. He got a law degree in the 1970s and taught police science courses at Fullerton College.
“The department had a bad reputation in the community,” Goehring said upon taking over the department. There had been 75 citizen complaints registered against officers the year he arrived.

Chief Philip Goehring. While he was chief, Goehring created the first written policy manual and oversaw automation of police records.
The 1990s
In 1990, tragedy struck the Fullerton Police Department when undercover officer Tommy De La Rosa was killed in Downey in a drug bust gone bad.
Thousands attended De La Rosa’s funeral and years later a street was named in his honor.

Thousands attended the funeral for slain FPD officer Tommy De La Rosa. Photo courtesy of the Fullerton Public Library Local History Room. During the 1992 LA riots, some FPD officers were sent to assist the LAPD and the National Guard. Ironically, the LA Riots began because an all-white jury acquitted the LAPD officers who were caught on tape brutally beating Rodney King.
In 1991, Chief Goering became engulfed in controversy when it was revealed that he had written a letter to the District Attorney on behalf of his friend’s son, who had been convicted on a drug charge.
“With the memory of Tommy de La Rosa, a popular Fullerton narcotics detective murdered in an ambush this past summer in Downey still fresh in their minds, Goering’s rank and file officers were outraged when the letters became known,” the Fullerton News-Tribune reported.
Despite an official apology, Goering’s officers had begun to lose faith in him, and he retired in 1992.
In the early 1990s, the Fullerton Police Department created a program called “Operation Clean-Up” which was (initially) focused on improving quality of life in a few Latino-heavy neighborhoods in south Fullerton that were experiencing the impact of local gangs.

Initially, the program involved sending officers on mountain bikes into the neighborhoods to attempt to build a better rapport with the community. This was an attempt at “community policing.”
Lieutenant Tom Bashan told the Fullerton News-Tribune, “When I first started [police work], it was ‘we against them.’ That attitude is gone. You get to know who the people are, you know most things about them, you start developing other ways of handling people besides strict enforcement.”
The program seemed off to a good start, even winning a Governor’s Award.

In 1993, Pat McKinley, a 29-year veteran of the Los Angeles police Department, was chosen to become Fullerton’s next Chief of Police.

Chief Pat McKinley. Photo courtesy of the Fullerton Public Library Local History Room. McKinley had been involved in the formation of the LAPD’s SWAT squad, which was the first in the nation. It was created following the 1965 Watts Riots and was an important step in militarizing the police, and ramping up aggressive policing tactics.
It was under the leadership of Pat McKinley that the community policing activity of “Operation Cleanup” took a much more aggressive turn.

The Fullerton Police department conducted an aggressive “sweep” of over 33 homes in the Maple area of South Fullerton, breaking down doors of suspected “drug dealers” and terrorizing families.
Reporting for the OC Weekly, Nick Schou wrote that the department “adopted operations reminiscent of Vietnam: an occupying army bent on separating the ‘bad guys’ from the ‘responsible’ population it claims to protect—and, at the same time, using brutal tactics that tend to punish both groups in equal measure.”

Image courtesy of the Fullerton Observer. Following the sweep, McKinley faced a room full of angry residents at a meeting at the Senior Center.
An elderly Mr. Alberto Sambrano said, “I have lived here since 1939 and I have never seen anything like this before, the way they treated my 70-year-old wife. They destroyed my garage, a dresser in the house and a tool shed. We were treated like animals. They handcuffed my grandson Jonathan Navarro, who has never been in trouble. They took a gun my dad had given me 50 years ago.”
“Officer #1037 pulled my disabled brother up from his hospital bed and threw him on his wheel chair,” Gloria Hernandez told the chief.
Maple area resident Bobby Melendez said, “Use of stormtrooper tactics by the police and physically & verbally abusing people in their homes is not a minor matter.”
Charges of excessive force also occurred when heavy-handed police tactics were used against mostly Latino students from Fullerton College and local high schools during a protest.
“More than 20 students suffered slight injuries when Fullerton police, assisted by officers from several neighboring cities, used pepper spray and arrested six people, ending a rally and march of about 300 students who were demanding more Latino educators and more Chicano studies in schools,” the LA Times reported.

Los Angeles Times, 1993. Apparently the protest, which had started at Fullerton College, turned into a March through Fullerton streets, and ended with a clash with police near Lemon street.
“One of the girls in front of me was hit with a baton and it hit me on the side,” Grace Ruiz, a 15-year-old high school student said. “The police didn’t need to hit us with their batons or spray us with pepper spray.”
In 1994, the Fullerton Police Officer’s Association (the police union) started a Political Action Committee to funnel money to City Council Candidates they felt would support their interests, and occasionally oppose candidates they did not want. This PAC remains an important source of campaign contributions.
The 2000s
In 2000, the FPOA-PAC endorsed Chris Norby and Mike Cleseri for City Council. They were rewarded with a new contract that brought about the “3% at 50 retirement package” and a significant pay increase. In 2000, the FPD got a new a new high-tech crime lab.
In 2002, the FPOA-PAC supported Don Bankhead, Leland Wilson, and Shawn Nelson for City Council. They all were elected.

In the early 2000s, a new subculture caught the attention of the FPD–rave culture.
“Hours after 250 undercover narcotics officers finished an intense Rave Parties seminar at Fullerton City Hall last Friday, local police found signs of the Hollywood club culture at a local nightclub and high school dance,” the Fullerton News-Tribune reported.
“This is one scary culture,” said Fullerton Police Sgt. Joe Klein, president of the Region V chapter of the California Narcotics Officers Association, sponsors of the two-day workshops.
Apparently, Fullerton club In Cahoots came under fire for hosting rave nights.
Following 9/11, the North Orange County Regional SWAT team was organized.

In 2004, the Fullerton Police Department got a $12 million renovation.
Chief McKinley retired in 2008, and was replaced in 2009 by Michael F. Sellers.
“I have always told my officers that we have three jobs,” Sellers said. “Our first step is to save lives. When lives are not at stake, our next job is to protect life. When that’s not an issue, our job is to help improve the quality of life for our citizens, and that is done through community-oriented policing.”
At the time of his hiring, Sellers taught classes in ethics, leadership and community-oriented policing at Fullerton College.

The 2010s
In 2011, Sellers’ ethics and leadership were put to the test when six Fullerton police officers were caught on video brutally beating a homeless man named Kelly Thomas to death.

Kelly Thomas in better times (left) and after beating by FPD (right). Local residents began to flood City Council chambers and organize weekly protests outside the police department, demanding accountability for the killing of Thomas.

Justice for Kelly Thomas protest, 2011. What did Sellers do? He went on disability leave one month after Thomas’ death, and then retired.

Capt. Kevin Hamilton was selected to serve as acting chief, and then he retired.
Two officers, Jay Cicinelli and Joe Wolfe, faced criminal charges over the death of Thomas, and the department faced three internal investigations by a special consultant. Both Cicinelli and Wolfe were ultimately acquitted, sparking one of the largest protests in Fullerton history.
Also, as a result of their perceived lack of leadership after the death of Thomas, three City Council members, including former Chief Pat McKinley, were recalled by the voters.
Dan Hughes, a 28-year veteran of the department, was appointed Police Chief in 2013.

Although the Kelly Thomas case was the highest profile incident of police brutality in the 2010s, there were others, such as the cases of Veth Mam and Edward Miguel Quinonez, both off whom were attacked by officer Kenton Hampton, who was also involved (but not indicted) in the Kelly Thomas case.
Officer Albert Rincon was accused of sexually assaulting several women in the back of his cruiser. And in 2012, corporal Vincent Mater was found guilty of destroying evidence after a man committed suicide in his cell at the Fullerton Police Department.
Dan Hughes retired early in 2016 after allegations that he gave special treatment to former City Manager Joe Felz, who drunkenly crashed his car into a tree after an election-night party and then attempted to flee the scene.
Hughes was hired as VP of security at Disneyland. The District Attorney filed a felony charge against former police Sergeant Rodger Jeffrey Corbett for falsifying a police report about the Felz incident.
Hughes’ replacement as chief was David Hendricks who (not long after being hired) got into hot water after drunkenly assaulting an EMT outside a concert in Irvine in 2018. He was charged and pled guilty.

Hendricks was released and replaced by Robert Dunn.

The 2020s
In 2020, Fullerton Police Officer Jonathan Ferrell shot and killed resident Hector Hernandez. This sparked years of protest by Hernandez’s family and community members. Although the DA declined to file charges against Ferrell, the city paid out an $8.6 million settlement to Hernandez’s family. This indicates a pattern in which officers who kill people in the line of duty rarely face criminal consequences, but sometimes (if there is enough public outcry) the city (aka the taxpayers) will pay out millions to the family of the deceased.

Photo courtesy of the Fullerton Observer. Also in 2020, following the death of George Floyd, there were large-scale protests and rallies for justice and police reform, including here in Fullerton.

Photo courtesy of the Fullerton Observer. In 2021, the Fullerton Police Department collaborated with other local agencies to create Project HOPE, with the purpose of doing more proactive outreach to the local homeless community. This program still exists today.
Because of a general lack of an adequate social safety net for the homeless, the job often falls to the police to deal with a social problem that they are ill-equipped to deal with. Sometimes the police collaborate with social service agencies (as with Project HOPE), and other times the police are asked to be strict enforcers–clearing homeless camps, arresting the homeless, and sometimes (as in the cases of Kelly Thomas and Jose Luis Naranjo Cortez, brutalizing them).
In 2023, Chief Dunn left the department and Capitan Jon Radus became Fullerton Police Chief.

Jon Radus. Photo courtesy of the Fullerton Public Library Local History Room. That same year, the Police Department started using a drone to monitor Downtown Fullerton and other areas.
In 2024, Fullerton police killed Alejandro Campos Rios outside a McDonalds. This prompted more protests.
This year (2025), Fullerton Police killed a young man named Pedro Garcia. Another homeless man, Jose Luis Naranjo Cortez, died in Lemon Park after an encounter with the police.
Although it may seem like there have been more police killings since 2020, this is more likely the result of recent California state laws that require mandatory public reporting of in-custody deaths. It is likely that, in previous decades, many in-custody deaths were not made known to the public.
The Fullerton Police Department does a fair amount of community outreach/public relations events like the annual National Night Out.
The local police union, the Fullerton Police Officers Association remains active in local politics, using their Political Action Committee to support and/or oppose candidates, often successfully. This has allowed the police budget to remain much more stable than other city employees who have had to weather much steeper cuts.
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Fullerton in 1950

The following is from a work-in-progress about the history of Fullerton. You can support my ongoing research and writing on Patreon.
The Local History Room of the Fullerton Public Library has microfilm from the Fullerton Daily News-Tribune newspaper stretching back to 1893. I am in the process of reading over the microfilm, year by year, to get a sense of what was happening in the town over the years, and creating a mini archive. Below are some news stories from 1950.
In 1950, Fullerton’s population was 13,939, and would continue to rise rapidly over the next two decades.

The Korean War
In international news, the Korean War was playing out as both a civil war between north and south, and as a proxy war between the communist east and the capitalist west in the context of the Cold War.

The Red Scare
On the homefront, Senator Joseph McCarthy was terrorizing American liberals and progressives by accusing many people of being communists, usually on the flimsiest of evidence.

Richard Nixon (who was from Yorba Linda and had attended Fullerton Union High School) had been elected to Congress and was doing his part to fan the flames of the Red Scare. Fullerton in 1950 was a much more conservative place than it is today.
Being a local figure who was also running for Senate, Nixon made many appearances in Fullerton in 1950, including speaking at the FUHS commencement.


More Local Politics
In 1950, four men ran for two Fullerton City Council seats. They were:
Irvin “Ernie” Chapman, wealthy rancher, son of Fullerton’s first mayor/Valencia orange king Charles C. Chapman.

Homer Bemis, a general contractor.

Kermit Wood. Not sure what he did for a living, but he was likely a business owner and he ran on a platform of opposing a new business license ordinance.

Jack Adams, a former public relations man for Lockheed Martin, who also opposed the business license ordinance.

Ultimately, Adams and Wood upset the incumbents Chapman and Bemis–likely because of their opposition to the business license ordinance.

Thomas Eadington, fruit grower, was named Mayor.

Fires!
Probably the biggest and most tragic news story of 1950 was a massive fire that destroyed three major buildings downtown in the 100 block of West Commonwealth–the McCoy Mills Ford Agency, Pacific Citrus Products (famous for making Hawaiian Punch), and the old Fullerton Hotel. The damage was estimated at $500,000. Only one person was injured.

“An early morning fire, believed to be the worst in the history of the city, and probably the worst in Northern Orange County, totally destroyed an automobile agency, a citrus products plant, a 58-room hotel, and damaged a hardware store,” the News-Tribune reported.

It was believed the fire began at the Ford Agency before spreading to Pacific Citrus Products.
“The juice plant went up in a hurry as citrus oils and alcohol caught fire and an early morning breeze fanned the flames,” the News-Tribune reported. “As the citrus plant burned and bottles and cans exploded, syrup concentrate ran ankle deep in the gutters. The smell of scorched syrup filled the air.”


This was not the only fire in 1950. Another one destroyed a packing house.

Can a House be Built in Three Days?
Fullerton continued to experience rapid growth, as many new housing subdivisions provided affordable homes. To demonstrate to the world that Fullerton was growing fast, local developers the Jewett Brothers hosted a big PR event in which workers built a whole house in three days.


A By-Product of Growth…Smog

Fullerton Goes to the Movies
For culture and entertainment, Fullertonians went to the Fox Theater, which celebrated its 25th anniversary in 1950.


The Fullerton News-Tribune includes an article about two men, Kenneth A. Rogers and Richard L. Martin, who worked at the Fox Theater since it opened. Rogers was superintendent of maintenance, Martin was the projectionist.
“Few, if any, of the large crowd that packed the theater on opening night know that a fire took place in the basement during the performance,” the News-Tribune reported. “Paint used used to color lights caught fire and the blaze set off the automatic sprinkling system. All available personnel were pressed into duty, bailing out the water which was seeping into the wardrobe trunks of a vaudeville troupe. C. Stanley Chapman, president of the company that operated the theater, Rogers recaslls, stood in two inches of water with the others trying to head off the flood.”
The article explains how, in the late 1920s, the theater became a favorite place for Hollywood previews.
“Among movie stars who attended previews of their pictures here were Douglas Fairbanks, Mary Pickford, Sally Eilers, Harold Lloyd, Victor McLaglen, Buster Keaton, Colleen Moore, Janet Gaynor, Charles Farrell, and Edmund Lowe,” the News-Tribune reported.
The first movie shown at the theater was Tom Mix in “Dick Turpin,” (an English period piece) which was a flop.
Both Rogers and Martin got their jobs because they worked at the old Rialto Theater downtown. When Harry Wilbur left the Rialto to manage the new theater, he took the two men with him.
The other theater in town was the Wilshire Theater.

Cultural Appropriation
Fullerton Union High School hosted its annual “Pow Wow.”

Yass Queens!
In the 1950s, Fullerton loved to crown queens for various public events.



The Midwest in SoCal
Fullerton hosted an “Arkansas Day” picnic on the Fourth of July that drew thousands.

New Schools
In education news, Golden Hills Elementary School was planned, to be built with bonds approved by the voters. Many new schools were built in the 1950s and 1960s as the area grew in population.

Fullerton put in a bid to be home to a new state college. Unfortunately, they lost out to Long Beach. It would be another decade before CSUF came to Fullerton.

Dr. H. Lynn Sheller succeeded William Boyce as head of Fullerton College.

The Big League Comes to Amerige Park
The Los Angeles Angels trained at Amerige Park in Fullerton.

Citrus Industry
Although some orange groves were being plowed under for housing subdivisions, the citrus industry was still quite large in Fullerton and surrounding areas.

Stay tuned for top news stories from 1951!
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Thomas K. Gowen: a life
The following is from a work-in-progress about the history of Fullerton. You can support my ongoing research and writing on Patreon.
Last week, I was in the Local History Room of the Fullerton Public Library browsing the shelves and came across a self-published autobiography of Thomas “Tommy” K. Gowen, who was an early rancher in Fullerton.

Thomas K. Gowen I had a personal connection to this person, as I grew up attending the First Evangelical Free Church of Fullerton, which Gowen also attended with his second wife Connie. As a young boy, I knew Connie Gowen–she was a well-loved elderly woman. Sadly, Tommy had died before I had the chance to meet him.
I read with great interest the story of Tommy’s life. Here is a summary of what I learned.
Gowen’s ancestors came to America in the 1550s from England, Scotland, and Wales, seeking religious freedom and to help establish a British colony.
His great grandfather James Gowen (“Uncle Jimmy”) was born in 1784. Uncle Jimmy settled near Lynchburg, Tennessee where started a farm. The adjoining farm was owned by none other than Davy Crockett!
Uncle Jimmy, being a Southern planter in the early 1800s, owned slaves. He fought in the War of 1812 under General Andrew Jackson in New Orleans.
Thomas K. Gowen was born in 1893 in Tennessee. Sadly, his father died of pneumonia four days before he was born, at age 30. Tommy grew up in a small farmhouse with his mother in Tennessee until he was 18. From age 12, he worked on local farms, including the Crockett farm.
Although he had limited schooling, “With the libraries of my two uncles at my disposal, I would sit up until midnight reading all kinds of books, learning more, I think, than the average college graduate,” Tommy writes
When Tommy was 20, he moved to Bakersfield and enrolled in Kern County High School and Junior College, living with his uncle Ben. He studied scientific farming.
“I got a job with the Kern Island Irrigation Company as a zanquero, delivering water to the Chinese gardeners, through the main ditches surrounding the city,” he writes.
When he arrived, most of the land was used for cattle grazing. It was here that he met and married Florence Burkett in 1915. The young couple briefly moved back to Tennessee, where their son Harlan was born.
After moving back to California, Tommy’s father-in-law, a relatively wealthy rancher, offered them a twenty acre orange grove in Fullerton.
In 1917, Tommy rode a horse-drawn wagon down to his new ranch in Fullerton. The family moved into a small farmhouse.
In 1919, Tommy took a job with the Union Oil Company, “working on the drilling derricks from midnight until 8am. In the daytime I would take care of sixty-five acres of oranges for my neighbors,” he writes. That year, their second son, Kenneth, was born.
It was while working for Union Oil that Tommy befriended Frank Nixon (Richard’s father): “In 1918 Frank Nixon (Dick’s father) and I became good friends. We went to work for the Union Oil Company of California and worked side by side for three years, then kept in contact with each other from time to time thereafter until he died in 1960.”
The family eventually moved into a house at 233 W. Santa Fe.
In 1921, he got into the fertilizer business. He traded his orange grove with Maxium Smith for a two-story house in Anaheim and 160 acres of desert land 12 miles west of Lancaster, where he planted barley.
In 1925 he bought a ten-acre orange grove on the south side of Valencia Dr, east of Brookhurst. Their son Kenneth, who had hemophilia, died of internal injuries after a kid pushed him off the bleachers at Ford School.
In 1928, they built a home at 1600 W. Valencia Dr. In 1932, Gowen was elected to Fullerton City Council. In 1936, he went to bat for his friend Walter Muckenthaler to be elected to city council.
“They said a Catholic had never served on the council and one could never be elected. I told them we had never had a Walter Muckenthaler run for the council, either,” he writes. “I went to twelve Protestant ministers in town and asked for their cooperation. They agreed to help. I think I oversold Walter; he got more votes than I!”
During Gowen and Muckenthaler’s tenure on City Council, they acquired WPA funds to build City Hall (now the police station). This was a controversial move, as other prominent businessmen wanted the city hall to be built on Spadra next to the California Hotel, instead of on Commonwealth, where it was built.
Gowen and Muckenthaler were also instrumental in getting more WPA funds to build the new library on Wilshire and Pomona, which is now the Fullerton Museum Center.
In the early 1930s, Tommy befriended Dr. John E. Brown, who was a leading evangelist of his day.
“In 1931 [Brown] sent his front man, Mr. C.A. Virgil, to Fullerton to build a temporary tabernacle on a vacant lot behind the Masonic Temple,” Gowen writes. “It had a capacity of 3,000 and was full every night for the three weeks he was there.”
Gowen was elected to be on the board of John Brown University to represent California. There he met Jesse H. Jones, who was chairman of the board. They enrolled Harlan at John Brown University in Arkansas.
Jones was a multi-millionaire who owned most of the skyscrapers in Houston, Fort Worth, and some in New York. He funded John Brown University. He was appointed by Herbert Hoover to be Chairman of the Reconstruction Finance Board, and was secretary of Commerce under Franklin D. Roosevelt.
Jones asked Gowen to help promote John Brown University, booking Dr. Brown to speak at 52 of the largest Rotary Clubs in the nation. There he met with many of the leading businessmen of America.
“Dr. Brown came to California and offered me the position of general manager of all the university’s holdings on the west coast: Brown Military Academy, the Brown School for Girls at Glendora, Radio Station KGER, twelve apartment complexes, and the Hotel Huntington in Long Beach,” Gowen writes.
In 1940, his wife Florence died.
Eventually, “Due to some of the financial practices of the administration of the school, Mr. Jones withdrew his support and I resigned from the organization, and reverted to being a farmer.”
In 1940, his fortunes considerably improved from when he first moved to Fullerton, Gowen “leased 110 acres of Valencia oranges in the Santa Fe Springs district from Standard Oil Company and others, and 700 acres of hay, grain and pasture land from Union Oil Company and Stern Realty Company from Fullerton to Brea, and from Brea to La Habra…With some partners, we leased 167 acres of Valencia oranges in front of Loma Vista Cemetery.”
After the death of his wife, he fell in love with his secretary Connie and they were married, they sold their home on West Valencia Drive and bought a two-story home on the southwest corner of Chapman and Balcom. They bought 160 acres on what is now Skyline Drive along with other property owners in what was known as the Skyline Syndicate. The area was subdivided into luxury homes. They moved into a home at 1701 Skyline Drive.

Connie Gowen. Now a wealthy rancher, Gowen befriended Walter Knott, who was a fellow advocate of Republican politicians.
In 1946, Tommy and Connie had their first child, Nancy. Their son, Tom Jr. was born in 1947. Sadly, Harlan (Tommy’s son from his first marriage) died in 1948. He was also a hemophiliac.
Gowen, now a gentleman rancher, part of the local landed gentry, acquired orange groves in Yuma, Arizona along with his friend California State Senator John Murdy.
In the early 1940s, he bought 165 purebred Hereford heifers from the Hearst ranch and ran them on land he rented north of Fullerton, and on his own land.
“Our whole family enjoyed having cattle running the two miles from what is now Longview Drive and Brea Boulevard to Rolling Hills and State College Blvd,” Gowen writes.
In 1947 he bought 47 acres of dead lemon trees, the piece that lies between Rolling Hills and Bastanchury Road, east of Brea Blvd. “We kept it about eight years and sold it to Ward and Harrington for a subdivision, helping the Fullerton Elementary School District obtain the site for Rolling Hills School,” Gowen writes.
He was instrumental in helping Chapman College (founded by local rancher Charles Chapman) move from Los Angeles to the site of the former Orange High School. Gowen served on the board of Chapman College until it became “too liberal.”
“Liberal professors refused to take the loyalty oath and the majority of the board let them get away with it,” so Gowen resigned.
In the 1950s, Gowen was the campaign manager for Republican John Murdy, who was elected to the California State Setate in 1956 and 1960.
“[Murdy] had 1,000 acres of land between Huntington Beach and Westminster on which he grew lima beans. Later on he became president of the California Lima Bean Growers Association, president of Hoag Memorial Hospital, a member of the Irvine Foundation Board, and many other worthwhile activities,” Gowen writes. “In 1952 some southern Orange County business men drafted John to run for the state senate…I was asked to be his campaign manager.”
Gowen was also instrumental in getting the state legislature to locate CSUF in Fullerton.
Gowen was an early supporter of Richard Nixon in his first presidential run in 1960. Tommy visited and had lunch with Richard Nixon at the capitol when he was vice president.
“During the presidential campaign in 1960, Mr. Knott hosted a big old fashioned Republican rally at the [Gowen] farm. The main speaker was Richard Nixon,” he writes.
In a letter to his daughter Nancy, Gowen describes Nixon’s famous “Southern strategy” to get conservative Southern Democrats to switch the Republican Party: “Dick had to have a vice president acceptable to Strom Thurman, the only man who could throw the south to the Republican party.”
Tommy visited and had lunch with Richard Nixon at the capitol when he was vice president.
Gowen wrote his memoir in 1975, shortly after the Watergate scandal and the resignation of Richard Nixon. Of this he wrote: “Having known the Nixon family personally for 56 years makes this tragedy a double shock for me.”
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Fullerton in 1949

The following is from a work-in-progress about the history of Fullerton. You can support my ongoing research and writing on Patreon.
The Local History Room of the Fullerton Public Library has microfilm from the Fullerton Daily News-Tribune newspaper stretching back to 1893. I am in the process of reading over the microfilm, year by year, to get a sense of what was happening in the town over the years, and creating a mini archive. Below are some news stories from 1949.
National and World News
In world news, the Russians tested their first atomic bomb–a pivotal event in the Cold War.

American planes were dropping food and aid into Russian-blockaded Berlin as part of the famous Berlin airlift.

The “Red Scare” was increasing in intensity, as famous Hollywood actors (including Frank Sinatra, Orson Welles, Charlie Chaplin, and Gregory Peck) were charged with being communists (they were not).

Although mass shootings are generally seen as a 21st century phenomenon, there was a mass shooting in Camden, New Jersey when a “Bible-carrying war veteran described as a near religious fanatic” shot and killed 12 people.

Local Pilots Set World Endurance Record
Perhaps the biggest local news event of 1949 was the flight endurance record set by local pilots Dick Reidel and Bill Barris who flew their plane the Sunkist Lady for 1008 hours.



Annexation Fight with Anaheim
The second biggest local news story of 1949 was an annexation fight between Fullerton and Anaheim over a strip of “no man’s land” that once separated the two towns. At stake was future tax dollars from housing and industrial development. After much legal maneuvering, court fights, resident protests, and council meetings, Fullerton won the fight over the coveted land.


Housing
After World War II, Fullerton entered a period of rapid growth, as housing subdivisions replaced orange and walnut groves.


Another notable housing issue in 1949 was the end of wartime era rent controls, which had been put in place to protect renters during a period of a housing shortage. Landlords were keen to end rent control, and they were successful.


Education
To accommodate the population growth, new schools were constructed. In 1949, Fullerton opened Valencia Park school.

New schools and expansion of existing schools were often paid for with bonds.

Infrastructure
As Orange County grew, new infrastructure was needed, including an expanded sewer system, paid for with a bond measure.

The 1940s and 1950s saw the dawn of freeways in Southern California which required using eminent domain to acquire land from property owners.

Culture and Entertainment
For culture and entertainment, Fullertonians went to see movies at the Fox Theater (which still exists) and the Wilshire Theater (which is now an apartment building).


Famous Broadway singer John Raitt, who was from Fullerton, returned to his hometown for a special concert.

Fullerton hosted a Fall Festival that drew thousands.

Sports
In sports news, professional baseball teams would play games at Amerige Park.

Hometown hero Del Crandall entered the big leagues.

Business
The pages of the Fullerton News-Tribune contain advertisements for some notable local brands that started in Fullerton and went on to be big national brands, including Hawaiian Punch.

Social Life
There were numerous social clubs in Fullerton in 1949, some of which still exist.

Church was also an important part of community life.

Snow Falls in Fullerton
A rare snowfall occurred in Fullerton in 1949.

Deaths
Beloved Fullerton College coach Arthur Nunn died.


Stay tuned for news stories from 1950!
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Walter Muckenthaler: a life
The following is from a work-in-progress about the history of Fullerton. You can support my ongoing research and writing on Patreon.
This year, the Muckenthaler Cultural Center is celebrating its centennial. Exactly 100 years ago, in 1925, Walter and Adella Muckenthaler built their dream mansion atop a hill in north Fullerton. Forty years later, in 1965, the family gifted their stately home and the grounds around it to the city of Fullerton to be used as a Cultural Center. And since then, the Muckenthaler Cultural Center has been offering the public art exhibits, musical performances, classes, plays, and more.

As part of the centennial, the Electric Company Theater will be offering a unique immersive theatrical experience which utilizes the whole interior of the Muckenthaler Mansion and brings guests into the world of mid-1920s Fullerton, complete with real local historical figures, including Walter and Adella Muckenthaler.

Last week, the directors of the Electric Company Theater invited me to give a brief talk about what Fullerton was like in the mid-1920s, to get their patrons excited about the centennial production.
The whole experience has made me curious to learn more about the Muckenthaler family, and so I was delighted to discover in the local history room of the Fullerton Public Library a biography of Walter, which was written by Keith Terry. Because the family commissioned the biography, it is perhaps a bit of a hagiography. Nonetheless, it provides a fascinating window into this local family–their history and legacy.
I present here a book report on some things I learned from Walter’s biography.
The German Muggenthalers
Walter’s grandparents, Martin and Elizabeth Muggenthaler, immigrated from Germany to the United States in 1854. Their name was changed to Muckenthaler by a port official in Belgium.
“They must have heard of the tempting offers of land that American railroads promoted all over Europe at that time,” Terry writes. “Undoubtedly, Martin’s desire for cheap land in the American Midwest tugged at this imagination and motivated his immigration to the new frontier.”
After landing in New York, Martin and Elizabeth took a train west to Minnesota, where they acquired land and farmed for 17 years.
Walter’s father Albert was born in 1862, during the Civil War. He was Martin and Elizabeth’s sixth child.
After the Civil War, the US government opened up more lands out west for homesteaders. This was, of course, former Native American land. The Muckenthalers took their family to Kansas where they purchased 400 acres from a railroad company, near the famous Oregon Trail.
Martin and some fellow Germans laid out the town of Newbury, Kansas. He helped build the first schoolhouse, the Sacred Heart Chapel, and donated land for the town cemetery.
Albert Goes West
When he was 20 years old, Albert Muckenthaler wanted to try his fortune out west, so he and a friend traveled by train to the German town of Anaheim, California.
At that time, in the mid-1800s, Anaheim was a grape-growing area, so Albert and his friend worked in the vineyards, then as carpenters helping to expand the Planters Hotel.
Albert and his friend explored the California coast, from San Diego to San Francisco before returning to their families in Kansas.
Back in Kansas, Albert married Augusta Ebert in 1889. They purchased a farm in the town of Paxico, where they raised wheat, pigs, cattle, and chickens.
Albert and Augusta had a son, Walter Muckenthaler in 1894.
“Walter lived the rich, full life of a typical Kansas farm boy,” Terry writes.
Eventually, Albert felt the desire to return to Anaheim, so in 1909 the family headed west.
The Anaheim they encountered in 1909 was quite different from the one Albert had visited as a young man. A blight had wiped out the grape vineyards. Following a period of economic disaster, the local farms had shifted to growing walnuts and oranges.
Albert bought ten acres where he planted a small orange grove and built a large house for the family. In addition to growing oranges, they raised a small herd of cows and started selling milk and butter to the community.
Walter Comes of Age
Walter attended Anaheim high school on Lincoln Avenue. He took an interest in the arts and drama, acting in school plays.
Walter’s parents bought the Boston Bakery in downtown, where Walter worked while in school.
After graduation in 1916, Walter had saved enough money to attend the University of California at Berkeley, where he planned to study architecture. Unfortunately, he lacked the money to stay more than one year. So he returned to Anaheim just as the US was entering World War I.
He enlisted in the Navy, but was discharged because of a heart murmur. After working in the family bakery for a while, Walter got a job as a civil engineer for the Santa Fe Railroad.
Walter and Adella
In 1918, Walter married Adella Kraemer, whom he had known since high school.
Adella came from money. Her father, Samuel Kraemer, owned much of what is now Placentia. His vast lands included citrus and walnut groves, as well as cattle and oil wells. Her mother was Agelina Yorba whose grandfather Bernardo Yorba was a Spanish “don” whose large land grant included the present city of Yorba Linda.
“Both Walter and Adella enjoyed frequenting the popular night spots, cafes and restaurants where they always hoped to catch a glimpse of some famous silent film idol. They especially liked to go to Nat Goodwin’s Cafe on the Santa Monica Pier,” Terry writes. “On different occasions, Walter and Adella saw Charlie Chaplin, Douglas Fairbanks, Herbert Marshall, the two Barrymore brothers, Gloria Swanson, Anita Stewart, the Talmade sisters, and many others.”
Walter and Adella moved into a small apartment in Fullerton.
Walter’s job as an engineer for the Santa Fe railroad kept him away from home for weeks at a time. So his wealthy and influential father-in-law Samuel Kraemer put in a good word with Fullerton’s city engineer Herman Hiltscher, and landed Walter a job as a city surveyor.
In 1922, Walter and Adella had their only child, Harold.

The young couple’s fortunes changed dramatically when Samuel Kraemer’s land yielded a number of oil gushers, which he had leased to Standard Oil.
“Samuel Kraemer leased out his mineral rights to Standard Oil of California, then watched in fascination the thousands of barrels of oil his land yielded up that first year,” Terry writes. “He decided to share his newly discovered wealth with all his children. Each one received interest in the oil leases and Walter and Adella began receiving regular royalties from their inherited leases.”
It was these oil royalties that provided the capital for Walter and Adella to purchase eighty acres of land along Euclid, between Commonwealth and Malvern. There they got into the Valencia orange business and it was there, atop a hill, that they built their stately mansion in 1925.
The Muckenthaler Home
Walter hired local architect Frank K. Benchley to design their stately home, built in the Mediterranean style. Benchley had designed a number of iconic Fullerton buildings, including the California Hotel (now the Villa Del Sol).\

The Muckenthaler mansion took six months to complete at a cost of $34,000 (which is approximately $630,000 in 2025 dollars, not enough to purchase a modest single family home today).
“Standing on the cast stone balcony off the upstairs bedroom, Walter and Adella could see, on a clear day, all the way to Catalina island,” Terry writes.
Walter’s friend Clark B. Lutschg designed the architectural landscaping around the mansion.
Fullerton City Councilman
At the urging of his fellow orange rancher friend Tommy Gowen, Walter ran for city council in 1936.
At first, the local elite were skeptical of Walter because he was Catholic in a (mostly) Protestant town. But Gowen went to bat for Walter and he was the first catholic elected to Fullerton city council.

“At that time, council met in the upstairs room of the makeshift city hall–located just off the main street behind the California Hotel on Wilshire,” Terry writes. “The building served as a combination police station, fire house, city clerk’s office and water works office.”
It was during Walter’s tenure on City Coucil that the City obtained WPA (New Deal) funds to build the City Hall on Highland and Commonwealth avenues (which is now the police station), built in 1940.

The 1938 flood hit Fullerton during Walter’s tenure on council.
“The small dams located at the top of Santa Ana Canyon gave and disaster struck with a mighty torrent of water that rushed through the mouth of the canyon and spread out over the towns and farms of Orange County sweeping everything in its wake,” Terry writes. “At Atwood, located in present day Placentia, the little homes were lifted off their foundations and carried downstream like small boats. In Fullerton the dams burst making Harbor into an asphalt riverbed.”
After the flood “Walter was determined that Fullerton should never have to suffer again the terrible deluge it had just experienced.”
Walter helped obtain federal funding to create a cement lined barranca and construct a new dam above Harbor.
The War Years
In 1942, America entered World War II. That year, Walter decided not to run again for city council, and instead got himself appointed to the Planning Commission.
In the late 1930s Walter hired a Japanese gardener. In 1942, this gardener was arrested by federal agents who claimed he was a foreign agent and taken to an internment camp.
Harold Muckenthaler joined the Navy and served during the War.
After the war, Harold and his wife Shirley had two daughters.
In the 1940s, “Walter had expanded his interests to include citrus farms in both Ventura and Home Gardens near Corona,” Terry writes. “He bought a four story business building on Fourth and Broadway in Santa Ana.”
The Declining Years
In the early 50s, Walter’s health began to decline, and he was diagnosed with leukemia. He transferred most of his affairs to his son Harold.
“There were the numerous boards of director to transfer and the ranches and holdings Walter had acquired through the years,” Terry writes. “Harold and been well trained by his father and knew many of the prominent men who served with his father on large corporations.”
During the 1950s, according to Harvard historian Lisa McGirr, the Muckenthaler family were associated with the right wing John Birch Society.
Walter died in 1958. Seven years later, Adella and Harold would donate the Mucketnaler mansion to the city of Fullerton to be used as a cultural center.
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Fullerton in 1948
The following is from a work-in-progress about the history of Fullerton. You can support my ongoing research and writing on Patreon.
The Local History Room of the Fullerton Public Library has microfilm from the Fullerton Daily News-Tribune newspaper stretching back to 1893. I am in the process of reading over the microfilm, year by year, to get a sense of what was happening in the town over the years, and creating a mini archive. Below are some news stories from 1948.
Growth
In 1948 Fullerton had a population of 13,235, and its population would continue to grow in the coming decades.

Following World War II, Fullerton experienced a period of rapid growth, as new housing subdivisions, schools, shopping centers, and industrial parks replaced orange groves.



In addition to new housing subdivisions, new buildings popped up as well.


To accommodate the population influx, a new school (Valencia Park) was planned. This would be the first of many new schools built after World War II.

To accommodate the increased population, and traffic, freeways were constructed.

Businesses
Here are some prominent businesses of Fullerton in 1948:




Hawaiian Punch was created in Fullerton!

Norton Simon’s Hunt Foods was a major local employer.

A fast food entrepreneur named Carl Karcher established his first permanent restaurant between Fullerton and Anaheim:

Annexation Fight with Anaheim
As both Fullerton and Anaheim grew, annexation fights began between the two cities to incorporate land between the two cities. The first salvo of this fight occurred when Anaheim city officials convened a special Saturday session to annex a 60-foot strip close to the south border of Fullerton.

In an editorial called “Skulduggery in Anaheim,” the Fullerton News-Tribune reported:
“When a city council finds it necessary to meet in special session on a Saturday, it is either a case of dire emergency or some kind of skulduggery. Anaheim’s city council met in special session last Saturday.
The business before the council consisted of passing a resolution to annex a strip of land 60 feet wide along the south side of Orangethorpe from Highland avenue to a point approximately midway between Harvard [Lemon] and Raymond avenue where a finger of Anaheim’s north city limits extends.
That a city council would hold a special session to pass a resolution to annex a piece of land which seemingly has no immediate bearing o the welfare of Anaheim, such action can hardly be called a “dire emergency.” That leaves only one category under which it can fall: skulduggery!
One need only to study a few of the facts behind the action by the Anaheim council to understand why it went to the trouble of a special Saturday session.
The area along Highway 101 between Fullerton and Anaheim is unincorporated. Its growth and development in recent years have made it obvious that it will some day become a part of some municipality, which would mean either Fullerton or Anaheim. An area of this nature needs the advantages that any city offers: fire and police protection, trash and garbage collection, sewer and water facilities.
Sentiment for becoming part of a municipality has run high in recent years, and especially more since a Metropolitan Water District edict forbids any new users outside the city limits. This ruling checks and futurity development of property in this unincorporated area until it becomes. Part of one city or another.
On September 11 of this year property owners took legal steps for becoming part of Fullerton by filing a notice of intention to circulate a petition relative to annexation of the territory. With enough signatures to the petition the matter could be put to the vote of the people of the area concerned. The people could choose between remaining unincorporated (with a chance of later joining Anaheim) or joining with Fullerton. Property owners who are working to initiate the petition say that the vote would be overwhelmingly for Fullerton.
It is no secret that Anaheim has coveted this territory. It would stand to lose by letting the people express their desires at the ballot box. With the handwriting on the wall, there was only one course for Anaheim to follow: throw up a legal roadblock between the territory and the Fullerton city limits by annexing a piece of land between the two.
It is reminiscent of Hitler’s tactics in instituting his famous “JA” and “neon” ballots during European plebiscites.
Fullerton officials sought to head-off this land-grab by meeting with Anaheim officials, but their efforts came to naught.

It would fall to property owners to sue Anaheim over the annexation move, which they won. But the fight was not over.


Politics
Harry S. Truman, a Democrat, won the 1948 presidential election.

Locally, Verne Wilkinson, Hugh Warden, and Thomas Eadington were elected to City Council.

Irvin “Ernie” Chapman, son of Fullerton’s first mayor Charles C. Chapman, was chosen as mayor.

Here are some other local officials who were elected:

A young Republican congressman from Yorba Linda named Richard Nixon (who attended Fullerton High School) was making a name for himself by fanning the flames of anti-communism.

“Disclosure of Communist infiltration in high places in the administration in Washington will be made by Congressman Richard M. Nixon, “working” member of the Thomas Committee which unearthed the national intrigue, at a dinner meeting Oct. 13 at 7pm in Santa Ana Masonic Temple,” the News-Tribune reported. “The committee will resume hearings in Washington later and its probe will be largely on the findings Nixon makes. It will mark the first public appearance at which Capt. Nixon has talked in Orange County, although he was guest Oct. 1 of the Chamber of Commerce at Yorba Linda, his home town, where he attended school as a boy. The meeting is to be under the sponsorship of the Orange County Republican Assembly, now headed by Roscoe G. Hewitt of Santa Ana, who recently succeeded Hilmer Lodge of Fullerton as president.”
Agriculture & Immigration
Although Fullerton was in the process of transformation from agriculture to housing and industry, the citrus industry was still alive and well in 1948.

Most of the citrus workers were Mexican, many of whom were recruited to work in local fields by the Bracero Program. The large presence of of Mexicans in Fullerton was sometimes protested by white residents.

During the Bracero Program, some citrus growers sought to supplement their workforce with undocumented immigrants.

Sports
In sports news, local professional and amateur baseball teams played games at Amerige Park.

Culture and Entertainment
For culture and entertainment, Fullertonians went to movies at the Fox Theater and the newly-built Wilshire Theater.

Fullerton also hosted a Fall Festival that drew thousands.

War Memorial
After voting down a bond measure to build a large War Memorial community center next to Amerige Park, Fullertonians decided to honor the war dead in a more modest gesture, a memorial listing the 54 names of those who died at Hillcrest Park, inscribed on a huge sequoia tree cross section.

Crime
In crime news, a gunman was arrested following a holdup downtown.

And a “new” drug called Marijuana (aka cannabis) was becoming popular.


Talk of the Town
The Fullerton News-Tribune had a section called “Talk of the Town” in which local residents were asked to give their opinions on a variety of social issues. Here is a sampling:



Celebrating European Conquest
An annual event celebrating the expedition of Gaspar de Portola was held annually in Southern California.

“Entry of the first white man, Gaspar de Portola, into this area will be portrayed at a joint Anaheim-Fullerton ceremony to welcome 54 horsemen who are riding from San Diego to San Francisco along the same trail the famous Spaniard followed in 1760,” the News-Tribune reported.
Deaths
The following people died in 1948:
Flora Starbuck, wife of pioneer druggist William Starbuck.

Roy Schumacher, the first child to be born in Fullerton.

Dr. George C. Clark, Fullerton’s first doctor.

William Hale, early City Councilmember.

Stay tuned for more stories from 1949!